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lA^^^ y^'^Uirt^ .y:^:^'^^/^^ 




THE LIFE 



OF 



GILBERT lOTIER DE LAFAYETTE. 



A MARQUIS OF FRANCE ; A GENERAL IN THE AMERICAN AND FRENCH 

REVOLUTIONS ; THE COMPATRIOT AND FRIEND 07 WASHINGTON J 

THE CHAMPION OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, AND OF 

THE RIGHTS AND LIBERTIES OF MANKIND. 



FROM NUMEROUS AND AUTHENTIC SOURCES. 



BY EBENR. MACK. 



'The History of the World is the Biograpliy of Great Men.'^—Carlyle. 



THIRD EDITION, 



ITHACA, N. Y.: 
MACK, ANDRUS, & COMPANY 

1848. 



.A-^ 



iic^;v\s- 



Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1841; by 

Mack, Andrus, & Woodruff, 
in the Clerk's Office of the Northern District of New York. 



PRESS OF MACK, ANDRUS, & Co. 
ITHACA. 



PREFACE. 



In reading and reflecting upon the history of the past, 
and contemplating the lives of those illustrious men to 
whom this country is indebted for its freedom, it has occur- 
red to me, that the services and character of Lafayette 
are not fully appreciated by the American people. But 
how should they be appreciated, unless they are known ? 
The name of Lafayette is familiar, and is cherished in 
popular tradition, as honorably connected with our revo- 
lutionary struggle. The materials for a more intimate 
knowledge of him are scattered through many voluminous 
collections of public documents, and works of History and 
Biograph}^ He has been incidentally and favorably no- 
ticed by several American, French and English authors.— 
Memoirs and sketches of his life have been compiled and 
published — most of them hastily devised and executed for 
some special occasion, and comprising only particular pe- 
riods of his eventful career. But there seems at this time to 
be wanted a connected narrative of the events of Lafay- 
ette's wlwie life, from his birth to his death — embracing 
his public services, military and civil, in America and 
France ; as the hero of three revolutions ; the victim of 
despotism in the prison of Olmutz : the restorer of lib- 
erty in the '• three glorious days of July ;" his domestic 
history and habits, his public and private character — in 
such a plain, economical form, as will bring it within the 
means of all classes of readers to purchase, to peruse, and 
to comprehend. To supply this deficiency, is the object oi^ 
the present volume. Although written in haste, amidst 
other cares and avocations, since the commencement of 
January last, the task has not been accomplished without 
considerable labor, investigation and reflection. In the 
progress of it, the following works have been consulted, 
viz:— The Life and Writings of Washington, by Mr. 
Sparks ; the Life of Governeur Morris, by the same ; Mar- 

2* 



VI PREFACE. 

shall's Life of Washington ; Botta's History of the Amer-= 
ican Revolution ; Thatcher's Journal ; Lee's Memoirs of 
the War in the Southern Department ; Life of Arthur Lee ; 
Franklin's Works ; Jefferson's do. ; the Madison Papers ; 
the Lives of Hamilton, Gerry, Patrick Henry, Paul Jones, 
&c. &c. ; Crowe's History of France ; Their's French 
Revolution, Mignet's do. ; Carlyle's do. ; Scott's Napo- 
leon ; Recollections of Mirabeau ; Dumas' Memoirs ; Chas- 
tellux's Travels ; Memoirs, Correspondence, and Manu- 
scripts of Lafayette, published by his family ; Sarran's 
Memoirs of Lafayette ; and the Revolution of 1830 ; Hol- 
stein's Memoirs of Lafayette ; Levasseur's Lafayette in 
America : Cloquet's Private Life of Lafayette ; Carter's 
Letters from Europe ; Lady Morgan's France ; with many 
other biographical sketches, books of travel, historical es- 
says, newspaper files, &c. &c. — comprising in all not less 
than one hundred volumes. 

From these numerous sources I have endeavored to cull 
the most interesting facts ; to reconcile and correct their 
discrepancies and contradictions ; and to weave from the 
materials thus gathered, a faithful narative of the life and 
character of Lafayette, with a strict regard to truth and 
justice, and a correct chronological and historical order. — 
To state in each instance to which author I may be indebted 
for an incident, a thought, or a narative sentence, would be 
impracticable. Where I am deserving of credit, for origi- 
nality of arrangement, of diction or of sentiment, the reader 
Vv'ill award it : where I am not, that credit will be withheld, 
or awarded to others. I have no pride or ambition of au- 
thorship. I claim no merit for this volume, except that of 
a faithful compilation :- — And v/hat else is all History — all 
Biography ? If this work shall be deemed worthy to rank 
with the useful publications of the day — if it shall contrib- 
ute to elevate the taste and sentiments of the American peo- 
ple, and increase in them the desire of investigating the 
history and biography of their own country ; and if it shall 
lead them justly to appreciate the services and merits of 
one to whom they are so much indebted for the privileges 
they enjoy — my object will be attained — I shall be amply 
rewarded. 

Ithaca, July, 184L 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

Lafayette. His ancestors. His father: death of, at Minden. Histori- 
cal discrepancies relative thereto. Lafayette's posthumous birth. 
Proud title and wealthy inheritance. Chevaniac, the place of his 
nativity. His infancy and childhood. Delicate constitution. Strong 
intellectual povs^ers. His education. Death of his mother and grand- 
father. Becomes a favorite at court. Is appointed one of the queen's 
pages, and a commissioned officer in the king's regiment. Marries 
at the age of sixteen. His wife's family. Her amiable and noble 
character. Lafayette's love of liberty, early and innate. A poor 
courtier. Refuses a place. Was prepared to espouse the American 
revolution 17 

CHAPTER n. 

Commencement of the American Revolution. Its high character and 
objects. Lafayette among the first to espouse its cause. Origin of 
that intention. Resolves to go to America. Opposition of family 
and friends. Interview with Mr. Deane. Secret preparations. Mr. 
Deane's written stipulation. News of American disasters — their ef- 
fects. Franklin and Deane dissuade Lafayette. His perseverance 
and confidence. Prepares to purchase and equip a vessel. Opposi- 
tion of the French government. Vigilance of the British envoy. — 
Evades it. Corresponds with Franklin and Deane. Visit to Eng- 
land. Distinguished reception. Openly avows his sentiments. — 
Hastily returns to Paris. Prepares to depart for America. Govern- 
ment interference. His arrest ordered. Trying crisis. Proceeds in 
disguise. Pursued. Recognized by a young girl. His secret kept. 
Reaches Passage in safety 25 

CHAPTER III. 

Sails for America. Voyage. Difficulties with the captain. Study and 
employment. Letters to Madame Lafayette. Prophetic sentiments. 
Arrives at Georgetown, S. C. Lands on the American shore. — 
Swears to conquer or perish in the cause. At the house of Major 
Huger. First impressions. Reception at Charlestown. Letter 
from thence. Journey by land to Philadelphia 32 

CHAPTER IV. 

Lafayette arrives in Philadelphia. State of affairs. Anxiety for em- 
ploym.ent. Applies to Congress. Embarrassing circumstances-— 



Till CONTENTS. 

Cool reception. Offers to serve at his own expense, and as a vo]un= 
teer. Accepted by Congress. Commission as Major-General. La- 
fayette's first interview with Gen, Washington. His arrival at the 
American camp. His description of the army. Anxious for an ac- 
tive command. Embarrassment of Gen. Washington 39 

CHAPTER V. 

The Crisis. Sufferings of the army. Events and movements. Arri- 
val of the enemy's fleet. March of the army. Battle of Brandy- 
wine. Lafayette wounded. His account of the battle. Is con- 
veyed to Bethlehem. Employment there. Domestic correspon- 
dence. Zeal, correspondence and projects, in behalf of America. — 
Movements of the armies. Battle of Germantown. Minor opera- 
tions. Red Bank. Death of Count Donop. Fort Mifflin. Major 
Fleury 44 

CHAPTER VL 

Lafayette returns to head quarters. Domestic anxiety and corres- 
pondence. Difficulty of communication with France. Situation 
and feelings. Desire for a command. Gen. Washington's letter on 
the subject. Success merited and won. Battle of Gloucester. De- 
cision of Congress. Lafayette's character appreciated. Letter of 
Patrick Henry. The army in winter quarters. Its great sufferings 
at Whitemarsh and Valley Forge. Lafayette the soldier's friend. — 
His zeal and humanity. His habits. Solicits the alliance of France. 
Advocates the American cause and character. Letter to the Duke 
D'Ayen 53 

CHAPTER VII. 

Dissentions, painful to Lafayette. Conway's Cabal. Lafayette re- 
mains faithful to Gen. Washington. Correspondence between them. 
Lafayette hears of the birth of a daughter. Determines to remain 
in America. Letter to Madame Lafayette. Expedition against 
Canada. Lafayette appointed to the command. Rebukes the ene- 
mies of Washington. Journey to Albany. Difficulties encountered. 
Letters to Gen. Washington. Lafayette's liberality. Visit to the 
Indian tribes. Letter to Baron Steuben. Expedition abandoned. 
Approbatory resolution of Congress. Lafayette returns to head- 
quarters. Conway's confession 62 

CHAPTER VIIL 

Preparations for the Campaign of 177&. Influence abroad of Lafay- 
ett's example. American commissioners in Paris. Policy of the 
French government. Favorable impressions in Europe. Joy in 
France at American success. Prospects of an alliance. Lord 
North's Conciliatory Bills. Treaties between France and the Uni- 
ted States. Celebration of this event. New oath of allegiance.-- 
Administered by Lafayette. Objection by Woodford's brigade. Ob- 
viated by Lafayette. Campaign commences. Affair of Barren 



CONTENTS. IX 

Hill. Masterly retreat of Lafayette. Its importance. Anxiety of 

Gen. Washington. Lafayett's affection. Death of his daughter. 

Letter thereon. The domestic and social virtues commended. ...75 

CHAPTER IX. 

The British army evacuates Philadelphia. Pursuit by the Americans. 
Lee and a majority of officers oppose an attack. Lafayette con- 
curs with Washington, Greene, and others in favor of it. Lee de- 
clines the command of the advanced corps. Conferred on Lafayette. 
His instructions. Yields to Lee's Bolicitations. Vacillating con- 
duct of Lee. Battle of Monmouth. Arrival of the French fleet, 
under Count D'Estaing. It repairs to Newport. Gratification of 
Lafayette. Is appointed to co-operate with his countrymen. Gen. 
Greene sent to participate in the command. Correspondence of 
Washington and Lafayette on the occasion 85 

CHAPTER X. 

Operations at Newport. Plans disconcerted. Displeasure of Count 
D'Estaing. British fleet appears. Engagements between the 
French and English fleets. Separated by a storm. The French 
fleet returns to Boston. Indignation and misunderstanding occasioned 
thereby. Lafayette acts as mediator. Repairs to Boston. Harmo- 
ny restored. Action at Nev.'port. Lafayette's hasty return to par- 
ticipate in it. The " Retreat of Rhode Island" Lafayette's servi- 
ces on the occasion appreciated. Resolution of Congress. Appro- 
batory letter of Washington 93 

CHAPTER XI. 

Lafayette watnhes the enemy on Rhode Island. New difficulties be- 
tween the French and Americans. Reconciled by Lafayette. His 
anxiety for more active operations. Projects for that purpose. — 
Canada expedition discouraged by Washington. Lafayette decides 
to visit France. Insulting language of the British Commissioners. 
Lafayette resents it, and proposes challenging Lord Carlisle. Gen. 
Washington and Count D'Estaing endeavor to dissuade him there- 
from. Challenge sent and declined. Lafayette prepares for his 
voyage. Correspondence with Gen. Washington and Congress. — 
Grateful testimonials and acknowledgements, Lafayette leaves 
Philadelphia for Boston. His dangerous illness at Fishkill. Attend- 
ed by Doctor Cochrane. Kindness of Gen. Washington. Visit of 
Dr. Thatcher. Lafayette recovers — takes leave of Washington, and 
pursues his journey. His eloquent tribute to the character of Wash- 
ington. Detention at Boston. The proposed Canada expedition 
finally rejected by Congress. Lafayette's faiewell letter to General 
Washington. Sails for France 103 

CHAPTER XII. 

The voyage. Incidents and dangers. Storm. Vessel dismasted. — 
Conspiracy of the crew. Its suppression. Arrival at Brest. Lafay- 
ette's feelings. His cordial reception. At Versailles. Afl^ecteddis- 



X CONTENTS. 

pleasure of the king. Ludicrous vindication of royal prerogative. — 
Lafayette in temporary exile. The queen's curiosity to see him. — 
His liberation. Gracious reception at court. Becomes the lion of 
the day. Remembers the patriots of America. Patronised by the 
queen. Her admiration of Washington. Count de Vergennes. — 
Lafayette negotiates for aid to America. Proposed descent upon 
the English coast. Paul Jones. Correspondence with. Expedi- 
tion abandoned. Preparations for an invasion of England, by Spain 
and France. Lafayette advances money for America. Offers to 
pledge his fortune. Plans for hiring vessels. For a loan. Letter 
of Washington. To Franklin. Lafayette's correspondence with 
Gen, Washington and the President of Congress ....113 

CHAPTER XHL 

Lafayette continues his efforts in behalf of America. Prohibited by 
Congress from asking the aid of land forces. On his own responsi- 
bility, solicits from the French ministers a naval armament, money, 
clothing, and a large body of auxiliary troops. His plan for the ex- 
pedition. Urges immediate action. Sword from Congress, presen- 
ted by Dr. Franklin. Description of it. Letter of Dr. Franklin. — 
Lafayette's reply. Letters to Gen. Washington and President Law- 
rens. Abandonment of the expedition against England. Summary 
of the campaign of 1779, in America. Renewed efforts of Lafay- 
ette. Finally successful. Plan of the expedition agreed upon. — 
Stipulations honorable to the Americans. Lafayette's instructions 
from the French Government. Sails again for America 124 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Lafayette arrives at Boston. Letter to Gen. Washington. Joy at his 
return. Repairs to Head-quarters. His reception. Visits Philadel- 
phia. Welcomed by Congress. Plans for future operation. Deplo- 
rable state of the army and country. Efforts of Washington, secon- 
ded by Lafayette. Patriotic exertions of the ladies of Philadelphia. 
Liberal subscription of Lafayette. Arrival of the French fleet. — 
Lafayette commissioned to meet it. Authorized to confer with the 
French admiral and general. Negociations and correspondence. — 
Zeal and perseverance. Plans of attack. Causes of embarrassment 
and delay. Approbation of Washington. 131 

CHAPTER XV. 

Lafayette returns to Head-quarters. His favorite command of Light 
Infantry. His liberality to it. Thatchei-'s description of. Anxious 
for the attack of New York. Correspondence with Count Rocham- 
beau. The Count offended. Lafayette's explanations. Admonitory 
letter of Count Rochambeau. Lafayette accompanies Gen. Wash- 
ington to Hartford. Interview between the American and French 
commanders. Return to West Point. Treason of Arnold. Its de- 
tection. Arrest of Andre. Lafayette's account of these events. — 
One of the Board of Officers which tried Andre. Concurs in the 
expediency of his execution....... ., 142 



CONTENTS. Xr 

CHAPTER XVI. 

Lafayette's continued anxiety, and projects, for active employment. 

The Chevalier de Chastellux. His visit to the American Camp. 

To Lafayette's encampment. Opinion «f Washington and Lafay- 
ette. Attack on York Island abandoned. Lafayette's favorite corps 
disbanded. He repairs to Philadelphia. Proposes tojoin the south- 
ern army. Change in the French ministry. New hopes inspired. 
Mutiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey soldiers. Lafayette's 
return to Head-quarters. Its object. Mission of Col. Laurens to 
France. Letters of Lafayette. To Count de Vergennes. To Ma- 
dame Lafayette 149 

CHAPTER XVn. 

Arnold in Virginia. Contemplated expedition for his capture. Lafay- 
ette assigned to the command of a southern detachment. His prep- 
arations and rapid progress. Intended co-operation of the French 
fleet. Action between the French and English fleets. The enemy's 

fleet gains possession of the Chesapeake Bay. Lafayette retires. 

Visit to the mother of Washington. Arrives with his forces at the 
Head of Elk. Meets the orders of Gen. Washington to repair with 
his detachment to Virginia. Sufferings, discontent and mutiny of 
the soldiers. Lafayette suppresses the mutiny, and borrows money 
10 relieve the wants of the soldiers. Their devotion to him. Leava 
to return. Declined by Lafayette. His rapid march. Reaches 
Richmond in advance, and to the astonishment of Phillips and Ar- 
nold. Commencement of the Virginia campaign. Lafayette's vig- 
ilance and prudence. His account of events. Death of Gen. Phil- 
lips. Command devolves on Arnold. Lafayette refuses to corres- 
pond with him. Approval of Gen. Washington .159 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Cornwallis arrives in Virginia. His force. That of Lafayette. La- 
fayette at Richmond. Secures the valuable property. Letter to 
Gen. Washington. Cornwallis advances upon Richmond. Lafay- 
ette compelled to retreat. His rapid and skillful movements. Let- 
ters to Greene and Washington. Baffles Tarleton. Junction with 
Wayne's detachment. Out-generals Cornwallis. Gains a strong 
position between the enemy and the magazines of Albemarle. Corn- 
wallis retreats. Lafayette becomes the assailant. His account of 
Enaction. Cornwallis continues his retreat. Action at Jamestown. 
The enemy retreat to Portsmouth. Indications of their intention to 
embark. Lafayette is anxious to join the northern army. Corres- 
pondence on the subject with Gen. Washington. Hints of impor- 
tant operations. A French squadron expected. Junction of the 
French and American armies. Washington announces important 
matters to Lafayette. Enjoins him to a vigilant watch of the ene- 
my. Mode of compliance. The enemy embark. Pass up the Bay. 
Commence fortifications. Lafayette becomes satisfied to remain in 
Virginia. Informed of the destination of the French squadron. — 
Correspondence with Washington. Enjoined to prevent the enemy's 



Xll CONTENTS. 

retreat. Continued vigilance. System of Espionage. Morgan, the 
pretended deserter 170 

CHAPTER XIX. 

Gen. Washingron, with the combined armies, resolves to march to 
Virginia. Injunctions to Lafayette renewed and complied with. — 
Cornwallis held in a position favorable to Lafayette's plans and 
wishes. The fleet of Count de Grassee arrives in the Chesapeake. 
Lafayette in command of the combined forces. Blockades Corn- 
wallis, by sea and land. Impatience of Count de Grasse and Gen. 
St. Simon. Urge Lafayette to attack Cornwallis. He refuses. — 
Sacrifices ambition, and glory, to duty and discretion. A British 
fleet appears off" the Chesapeake. Count De Grasse sails. Meets 
and disperses them. Gen. Washington and Count Rochambeau 
arrive at Williamsburg. Interview with the French Ad.niral. De 
Grasse promises to co-operate. Changes his mind. Resolves to 
sail for the West Indies. Mission of Lafayette, to dissuade him 
from it. Its success. The French and American armies arrive. — 
General Washington in command. Siege of Yorktown commenced. 
Gen. Rochambeau's account of it. Lafayette storms and carries a 
redoubt. Capitulation and surrender. Lafayette's deportment. — 
Vindicates the Americans. Offers to join Gen. Greene. Resolves 
to visit France. Takes leave of his brave corps. Complimentary 
resolves of Congress. Approbatory letters of Counts de Segur and 
de Vergennes. Farewell letters of Washington. Lafayette bids 
adieu to Washington and sails for France. His military services in 
America terminated. Their value. Estimate of the Virginia cam- 
paign. Gen. Lee's opinion. Testimony of Mr. Madison 184 

CHAPTER XX. 

Lafayette received with enthusiasm in France. His continued devo- 
tion to the American cause. Letters of Washington. Approbatory 
resolutions of Virginia Negociations for peace. Formidable prep- 
arations for a new campaign. The treaty finally signed. Lafay- 
ette sends the ship Triumph to America, with the first news of peace. 
Deterred from accompanying it, by diaplomatic difficulties at Madrid. 
Repairs to that city, and procures the acknowledgment by Spain of 
M. Carmichael. Desire and intention of revisiting America. In- 
vitation to Gen. Washington. Madame Lafayette unites in it. — 
Washington's letter to Madame Lafayette. Lafayette embarks for, 
and arrives in America. His reception. Meeting with Gen. Wash- 
ington. Return to the north. Liberality to Matthew Carey. As- 
cends the Hudson. Is present at an Indian treaty. Returns to the 
South. Reception by the Legislature of Virginia. Resolution and 
address of Congress. Lafayette's reply. Affectionate farewell let- 
ter from Gen. Washington. Embarks from New York. Arrives 
safely in France 200 

CHAPTER XXI. 

Lafayette's official connection with America terminates. He enters up- 
on another field of action. Continues to serve America. Visits the 



CONTENTS. Xiii 

eeurts of Germany. Reception by the Emperor Joseph and Freder- 
ick the Great. His liberal principles confirmed. Plans lor emanci- 
pating the blacks from slavery. Purchases an estate at Cayenne for 
that purpose. His views approved by Gen. Washington. Their 
nature and extent. For gradual, not sudden emancipation. Fa- 
vors the French Protestants. The bust of Lafayette, presented by 
the State of Virginia, through Mr. Jefferson, to the municipality of 
Paris. Is placed, v.'ith imposing ceremonies, in the Hotel de 
Ville 210 

CHAPTER XXn. 

The French Revolution. Its causes. Preliminary events. Louis XVI. 
Maurepas. Assembly of Notables. Lafayette a member of it. — 
His propositions for reform. The States General convened. Its 
character. Lafayette a deputy. Dissentions of the ordeis. The 
commons constitute themselves the National Assembly. The king 
sides v/ith the privileged orders. Doors of the Assembly closed. — 
The members repair to the Tennis Court. Take an oath. Last 
"bed of justice." Speech of Mirabeau. Lafayette with forty lib- 
eral nobles, joins the commons. The three orders unite. Lafayette 
proposes a Declaration of Rights. First insurrection in Paris. La- 
fayette Vice President of the Assembly. Destruction of the Bas- 
tile. Deputation to the Hotel de Ville. Bailly chosen Mayor of 
Paris. Lafayette commander of the civic guards. Receives the 
king in Paris. Organizes the National Guards. Institutes the tri- 
colored cockade. His character and influence at this period. En- 
deavors to preserve tranquility. Indignant at popular excesses. — 
Threatens to resign. Pursuaded to continue in command. Refuses 
compensation for his services. Feudal privileges abolished. Dec- 
laration of rights adopted 215 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

Intrigues and duplicity of the queen and court. Projected removal of 
the king. Mad military banquet at Versailles. Fearful insurrec- 
tion of the 6th of October. Mob of women assail the palace. — 
Lafayette resi?ts the popular fury. Repairs to Versailles. Defends 
the palace. Saves the lives of the royal family. Reconciles the 
king and queen to the populace. The royal family remove to Paris. 
Guarded by Lafayette. New projects of agitation and flight. — 
Counteracted by Lafayette. Transmits to Gen. V^ashington a 
drawing and key of the Bastile. Volunteer oath of the king to sus- 
tain the constitution. Abolition of titles. Death of Franklin. Eu- 
logium of Mirabeau. Motion of Lafayette. Anniversary of the 
14th July. Federation of the Champ-de-Mars. Lafayette the 
champion of the day. The oath. Grand review of the National 
Guards. Monitory address of Lafayette. Reply of the dupu- 
ties 229 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

Empty pageant and professions. The factions. Lafayette endeavors 
to reconcile them. Counter disturbances. Lafayette suppresses. 

2 



Xiv CONTENTS. 

tliem. His trae position. Death of Mirabeau. Danger and dupli- 
city of the king. Royal family escape. Lafayette blamed by the 
populace. Vindication. Is oifered and rejects the vacant throne. — 
The King arrested at Varennes and brought back to Paris. Lafay- 
ette receives and protects the royal family. The king suspended. — 
Lafayette responsible for his safe custody. The Jacobins demand a 
republic. Mob in the Champ-de-Mars. Lafayette fires upon and 
suppresses it. The constitution completed. The king restored. — 
Lafayette resigns his commission. Retires to Chavagnac. Is de- 
feated as candidate for Mayor of Paris. Is appointed a general of 
the army. Accepts. Reception at Paris. Repairs to Mentz — Let- 
ter to Gen. Washington. War declared. Reign of Terror ap- 
proaches. Lafayette remonstrates to the Assembly. His appeal 
comes too late. Insurrection of the 20th June ^43 

CHAPTER XXV. 

Lafayette indignant at the outrages in Paris. Remonstrances of the 
army. Lafayette repairs to Paris. Appears before the Assembly. — 
Denounces the Jacobins. Accused and defended. Received with 
coldness by the king and queen. Enthusiasm of the populace. La- 
fayette returns to the army. Conciliation of factions in the Assem- 
bly. New outbreaks of the populace. Lafayette sees the approach 
of the tempest. His plan for the safety of the king and queen ■ - 
Rejected by them. Opposing project and views of Goverheur 
Morris. The dethronement of the king proposed by the Jacobins. 
Accusation against Lafayette. He is acquitted by the assembly. — 
Last gleam of justice. Fearful insurrection of the 10th of August. 
Suspension of the royal authority. Final imprisonment of the king 
and family. Account of these events by Theirs and Dumas. La- 
fayette refuses to acknowledge the Jacobin authorities. Causes the 
imprisonment of their commissioners. The Assembly declare La- 
fayette a traitor. Jacobinism infects the armies. Luckner and Du- 
mouriez submit. Lafayette leaves France. His arrest and impris- 
onment in Austria and Prussia .256 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

Sympathies in favor of Lafayette. Efforts for his liberation. Gener- 
ous exertions of Goveneur Morris. Eloquent appeal of Madame de 
Stael. Feelings and personal exertions of George Washington. — 
Fate of Madame Lafayette. Her letters and appeals to President 
Washington. His answers. Popular feeling in the United States in 
favor of a commission to demand the release of Lafayette. Colonel 
M'Henry solicits the appointment. Efforts in behalf of Lafayette in 
Europe. Masclet and his associates. Bolman and Huger's enter 
prise for the escape of Lafayette. Its partial success. The escap 
Their capture and imprisonment. Lafayette treated with increas( ' 
severity. Bolman and Huger released. Their efforts in the Uej 
ted States. Gen. Washington declines acting officially. Renews 
his personal efforts. Writes to Mr. Pinckney. His letter to the 
Emperor of Germany.., » .2(1 




CONTENTS. XV 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

Madame Lafayette set at liberty. Sends her son, George Washington 
Lafayette to America. He is kindly received by President Wash- 
ington, and publicly by Congress. Madame Lafayette is aided by 
Mr. Munroe. She repairs to Vienna. Has an interview with the 
Emperor of Austria. Is permitted and nobly determines to share, 
with her daughters, the imprisonment of Lafayette at Olmutz. — 
Maiibourg's account of it referred to. The daughters of Lafayette. 
They alleviate the gloom of his prison. Madamoiselle Anastasie's 
Sketch of the jailer of Olmutz. The faithful Felix. Victorious ca- 
reer of the French armies. Gratifying to Lafayette. Napoleon the 
hero and conqueror. The first spark of his ambition kindled. Stip- 
ulates at Leoben for the release of Lafayette and his companions. — 
Dishonorable conditions irrposed by Austria. Lafayette refuses 
them. Bonaparte suspects the duplicity of Austria. Sends Romeuf 
to demand Lafayette's liberation. His final release. Is delivered to 
the American consul at Hamburg. His residence in Holstein. Re- 
turns to France. The First Consul desires to gain him. Lafayette 
is grateful to Napoleon, but suspects him of ambitious designs. 
Refuses the ofHce of senator. Retires from the army. Refuses to 
vote for Napoleon as consul for life. His letter explanatory 278 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

Lafayette in the retirement of Lagrange. Suggested mission to Amer- 
ica. Is ciFcrcd by President Jefferson the office of Governor of 
Louisiana. Letter declining tlie appointment. Mr. Jefferson's opin- 
ion of Lafayette. Letter approving his conduct in the French Rev- 
olution. Lagrange not exempt from misfortune and sorrow. Acci- 
dent to Lafayette. Petty resentments of Napoleon. Death of Mad- 
ame Lafayette. Her character. Lafayette's sorrow, and affectionate 
remembrance of her. Napoleon's exile to and return from Elba. — 
Endeavors to conciliate the old friends of liberty. Lafayette de- 
clines his advances. Refuses the Peerage. Remonstrates against 
the revival of despotism. Is elected a deputy. Battle of Waterloo. 
Last efforts of Napoleon. Bold and patriotic declarations of Lafay- 
ette. Frustrates the despotic designs of Napoleon. Reply to Lu- 
cien Bonaparte. Advises the abdication of the Emperor. Is a com- 
missioner to treat with the allies. Endeavors to secure the liberty 
of Napoleon, and his safe conduct to America. Retires to La- 
grange. Elected again to the Chamber of Deputies. Advocates lib- 
eral principles and measures. Resists the despotic encroachments 
under the restoration. Warns and reproaches the Bourbon dy- 
nasty. Is accused of treasonable designs. Challenges his adversa- 
ries to the proof. Is defeated in his election by the Ministry 29S 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

Lafayette determines to visit America. His departure and voyage.— 
Arrives at New York. Is received with enthusiasm. Journey to 
and reception at Boston. Returns to New York. Brilliant fete at 
Castle Garden. Voyage up the Hudson, Return. Goes south.— 



XVI CONTENTS. 

Reception at Philadelphia. Visit of Lafayette to the tomb of Wash- 
ington. Celebration at Yorktown. Honors and hospitalities in Vir- 
ginia. Returns to Washington. Reception by Congress. Address 
of Mr. Clay. Lafayette's answer. Munificent act of Congress. — 
How received and accepted by Lafayette. Rapid tour through the 
Southern and Western States. Sketch of the route and some of 
the incidenls of his journey. Arrives in Boston. Universal aston- 
ishment at the journey performed. The anniversary of the Battle of 
Bunker Hill. Lafayette assists in laying the corner stone of the 
Monument. Returns to Washington. Farewell visit to the Ex- 
Presidents in Virginia. Celebration of Lafayette's birthday — Close 
of his tour. Its incidents and character. Farewell address of Pres- 
ident Adams. Lafayette's reply. Embarks on board the frigate 
Brandywine. Bids a final adieu to America 305 

CHAPTER XXX. 

afayette arrives at Havre. Parting with the officers of the Brandy- 
wine. His reception at Lagrange. Carter's description of Lagrange, 
of the fdmily, and domestic life of Lafayette. Benevolent acts of 
Lafayette. He mingles again in public affairs. In the Chamber 
of Deputies. His visit to Chevaniac. Popular manifestations. — 
The precursors of a new revolution. Revolution of July, 1830. La- 
fayette's prominent share in it. Is appointed commander-in-chief of 
the military. Repairs, in popular triumph, to the Hotel de Ville. — 
His proclamation to the people and the army 330 

CHAPTER XXXL 

Result of the " Glorious Three Days." Lafayette in behalf of the 
people and the deputies, declares the throne vacant. Refuses the 
executive power. Consents to the appointment of the Duke of Or- 
leans as Lieutenant General. Meeting of Lafayette and the Lieu- 
tenant General, at the Hotel de Ville. Guarantees in favor of Lib- 
erty. The Duke made King, with the title of Louis Philippe. La- 
fayette appointed commander-in-chief of the national guards. Pre- 
sentation of the colors. Trial of the Polignac ministers. Lafayette 
suppresses the popular commotion. Is the victim of envy and in- 
trigue. Resigns his commission. Continues his services as a depu- 
ty. Opposes a retrograde policy. Benevolent acts, during the chol- 
era. Age threatens its infirmities. The duel of Dulong and Bu- 
geaud. Lafayette attends the funeral of Dulong. The cause of his 
illness. Progress of his disease. His death. Funeral honors and 
obsequies. The Tomb of Lafayette 352 

CHAPTER XXXII. 

The death of Lafayette creates deep sensations in America. Funeral 
honors and obsequies by the people. His death announced by Pres- 
ident Jackson to Congress. The President's proclamation to the 
Army and Navy. Resolutions of Congress. Oration of the Hon. J. 
Q.Adams, Conclusion. Lafayette's person and habits. Summary 
view of his services and character ..,.371 



THE 

LIFE OF LAFAYETTE< 



CHAPTER L 

Lafayette. His ancestors. His father : death of, at Minden. Histor- 
ical discrepancies relative thereto. Lafayette's posthumous birth. — 
Proud title and wealthy inheritance. Chevaniac, the place of his 
nativity. His infancy and childhood. Delicate constitution. — ■ 
Strong intellectual powers. His education. Death of his Mother 
and Grandfather. Becomes a favorite at Court. Is appointed one 
of the queen's pages, and a commissioned officer in the king's regi- 
ment. Marries at the age of sixteen. His wife's family. Her ami- 
able and noble character. Lafayette's love of Liberty, early and 
inate. A poor courtier. Refuses a place. Was prepared to es- 
pouse the American Revolution. 

The subject of this memoir is known to the civilized 
world, and vvill continue to be known through future ages, 
by the simple appellation of Lafayette. His history pre- 
sents an example unparalleled, of pure philanthropy, of 
disinterested patriotism, and of faithful devotion to the cause 
of human liberty. Man has been termed " the creature of 
circumstance." To the perceptions of finite reason, his 
destiny is indeed controlled, in a great measure, by the 
chances of birth and fortune. 

"O, who can tell how many a soul sublime 
Has felt the influence of malignant star. 
And waged with fortune an eternal war ; 
In life's low vale remote has pined alone. 
Then dropt into the grave, unpitied and unknown." 

But it is permitted to man to overcome, by mental and 
physical energies, the apparent influences of his destiny * 
and few have been distinguished as truly good or great, 
who have not risen superior to the circumstances by which 
they were surrounded. Obscurity of birth, the chilling hand 

2* 



18, LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

of poverty hang heavy upon the spirit, and often weigh 
down the most persevering effortSj even in this enlightened 
age and country. But it is much easier to surmount these, 
than to rise above the enervating and corrupting influences 
of aristocratic birth and wealthy inheritance. 

Of the ancestors of Lafayette, and of his infancy, there 
are fev/ historical records. We know however, that he 
sprung from a family, boasting a long descent of French 
nobility ; that he was literally born to a distinguished title 
and to a v/ealthy inheritance ; and that he was, at the most 
voluptuous period of the French history, nursed in the lap of 
luxury and indulgence. It is recorded that, "in the four- 
teenth century, the Lafayettes, in the province of Auvergne, 
already exerted themselves to improve the condition of those 
who were then called vassals;" and that " in the fifteenth 
century, Marshal de Laftiyette expelled the enemy from the 
territory of France." In the female line two of Lafay- 
ette's ancestors are distinguished in history. The first of 
these was Louisa de Lafayette, who lived in the sixteenth 
century. She was maid of honor to Anne of Austria, the 
young and persecuted queen of Louis XIII, of France, and 
became the confidante and friend of that timid monarch. — 
But when he ventured to hint a dishonorable proposal, she 
retired to a convent. At subsequent interviews, however, 
she, in consort with his confessor, v/arned the king against 
the enemies of his political power and domestic peace ; and 
notwithstanding the subtle craft of Cardinal Richelieu, her 
pious and generous voice held its influence, and succeeded 
in reconciling the monarch to his queen. Marie Madeline, 
Countess Lafayette, is favorably known in the literary an- 
nals of France. She was married to the Count de Lafay- 
ette, in 1665, and died in 1793. — -Her principal works are 
" Zaide," many. times reprinted, and "La Princesse de 
Cleves," to which Fontenelle is said to have given four 
readings. A high compliment is also paid to her genius by 
Voltaire. She had only one child, a daughter, who be- 
came Madame de la Tremoille, and heiress to the property 
of the Lafayette family, which she generously restored to 
the male line of the family, her cousins, who inhabited the 
province of Auvergne, in which the estate was situated. 

The father of our hero, Mitchael-Louis-Christophe-Roche- 
Gilbert de Montier, Marquis de Lafayette, colonel of the 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 19 

Grenadiers of France, and Chevalier de St. Louis, was 
among the brave and gallant spirits of his time, and fell, at 
the early age of twenty-five years, in the military service 
of his country. He was killed at Minden, in Germany, 
during the general European war, in v/hich Frederick the 
Great of Prussia acquired fame as a warrior, (1756-7, &c.) 
leaving our hero, Marie-Paul-Joseph-Roche-Yves Gilbert 
Metier, Marquis de Lafayette, (giving m full the name and 
title which he inherited,) his sole descendant, to render the 
family name immortal. 

There is a contradiction, or rather a want of chronologi- 
cal precision, among historians, and those who have hereto- 
fore attempted biographical sketches of Lafayette, as re- 
spects the date of his father's death, and, consequently, the 
period of the son's birth, which it may be well here to no- 
tice. Truth alone is history ; and he who undertakes the 
responsible office of transmitting its records to posterity, 
should aim to be correct in the minutest particular. 

During the war in Germany, Minden, which was a wall- 
ed and fortified town, was first taken by the French, under 
generals Broglle and Chevert, July 13th, 1756. It was re- 
captured by the combined English and Hanoverian army, 
under Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, on the 14th of March, 
1758. The year following, June, 1759, the Duke de Brog- 
lie again took Minden by assault, and the main body of the 
French army, soon after advancing to Minden, took up a 
stnong position resting upon that town. By successful man- 
oeuvring, the combined English, Prussian, and Piano ver- 
ian forces, under Prince Ferdinand, brought on a general 
engagement, in which the French were defeated, and Minden 
was next day surrendered to the allied army. It is this 
latter engagement, the most important of the three actions, 
which is distinguished in history and chronology, as "The 
Battle of Minden." — And Crowe states, in his History of 
France, 2d vol., p. 190 — that among the French colonels 
slain in this affair, '•' was the Marquis de Lafayette, a noble 
of an ancient family. Pie left his marchioness, a lady of 
the house of Lusignan, pregnant. This posthumous child is 
the Lafayette of the revolution, and of the present day." — 
The American editor of the "Memoirs, &c. of Lafayette, pub- 
lished by his family," states also in a note, p. 2, the father of 
Lafayette was "killed at the battle of Minden." He himself, 



20 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

in the same Memoir and page, says, it is " too minute to dwell 
upon the particulars of my birth, which soon followed the 
death of my father at Minden." All his biographers, how- 
ever, agree, and it corresponds with the dates of subsequent 
events, mentioned by himself, and with the inscription upon 
his tomb at Paris, in fixing his birth on the 6th of Septem- 
ber, 1757. His father, therefore, must have fallen, not at 
the " Battle of Minden," but at the first capture of that for- 
tress, in July, 1757 ; and his birth soon following that event, 
he was cast fatherless upon the world, the vested heir of a 
proud title and rich estates, and surrounded by temptations 
and influences little calculated to produce a premature and 
persevering champion in the cause of liberty and virtue. 

The birthplace of Lafayette, was the Chateau of Chavag- 
nac, (or Chevaniac, situated in the then Province of Au- 
vergne, but now in the department of the Haute Loire, the 
canton of Paulhoviiet, and the Arrondisement of Brionde. 
It is about 120 leagues from Paris. The building is large, 
romantically situated, venerable in appearance, but cannot 
be called ancient, having been destroyed by fire and rebuilt 
in 1701. The estate attached to it once comprised an exten- 
sive and considerable property ; but was confiscated and 
partitioned during the French Revolution, and the chateau 
itself, and a portion of the estate, was afterwards purchased 
back by a relative of Lafayette, and is now the property of his 
family. Every thing connected with the being of Lafayette 
must be interesting to American readers. But, could we 
transport them to the old chateau, (of which a view is here 
presented,) they would find little with which his name, in its 
early or mature relations, could be associated. They could 
not ascertain even the room in which the eyes of the heroic 
defender of liberty in two hemispheres, first opened upon 
the light of day ; for this his own son has not been able to 
ascertain ; nor could those who have diligently sought for 
such associations, discover any object about the place, which 
might serve as a memento of his early days, except a por- 
trait of him taken at the age of nine or ten years. 

Few were ihe years which the young Lafayette passed 
at the place of his nativity ; nor were those distinguished 
by peculiar events, or even by the usual attendants of a hap- 
py and buoyant childhood. He was, according to his rela- 
tive. Count Segur, a sickly infant, giving no promise of those 




p. 
m 







^ 







LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 23 

constitutional energies which were afterwards exemplified 
during the arduous duties and fatigues of a long and event- 
ful life. His intellectual powers, however, were early and 
strongly developed : for it may be said that he was a man 
while yet a child ; and was found exercising the faculties 
of mature years, at a period when others have scarce passed 
the boundary which divides youth from infancy. He was 
educated, as he himself states, in Auvergne, " with tender 
and revered relations," until the age of twelve years, when he 
was removed to a college (du Plessis) at Paris. There, soon 
after, April 12th, 1770, his mother died ; and her death was 
in a few days followed by that of her father, the Marquis 
de la Reviere. By their deaths, the young collegian became 
the heir to great wealth, which was entirely at his own con- 
trol. He was thus early, a favorite at the Court of Louis 
le Grand. He was one of the queen's pages ; and became 
a member of the king's regiment of musqueteers, (Musque- 
taires du Rot,) in which, at the age of fifteen years, through 
the immediate patronage of the queen, he was promoted to 
the rank of a commissioned officer, a favor exclusively re- 
served for the sons of the most distinguished noblemen. — 
His military duties, he states, only interrupted his studies 
on review days ; and at this period he was for a short time 
a resident at the Academy of Versailles. With an educa- 
tion thus hastily snatched from the duties and temptations 
of a profligate court, it could not be expected that Lafayette 
should become distinguished for profound scholarship. Lit- 
erary and scientific attainments, therefore, constitute a small 
portion of the elements of his fame. 

In April, 1774, Lafayette, then a little more than sixteen 
years of age, was married to the young and interesting 
Countess Anastasia de Noailles, daughter of the duke of 
that name. This marriage is represented to have been in- 
duced by considerations of family interest ; but that it was 
also a marriage of affection, there is explicit and gratifying 
evidence upon record. True, it connected Lafayette with a 
numerous and influential family, and largely augmented 
his fortune, which, after his marriage, produced him an 
annual income of 200,000 francs, about $37,500, per an- 
num. But these were petty considerations, compared with 
the treasure he secured in an amiable and virtuous wife — a 
noble hearted woman, who, in the vicissitudes of his sub- 



24 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

sequent career, participated patiently in his misfortunes, 
shared his imprisonment, and emulated his virtuous and 
patriotic examples ; and whose fiime must be ever identified 
with that of the man with whom her earthly destinies were 
united. 

The possession of wealth, the allurements of the court, 
the flattery of friends and dependents, could not obliterate 
in the bosom of Lafayette, the love of liberty and virtue 
with which he seems to have been early inspired. The 
principle innate or acquired, must have been deeply and 
strongly rooted which could have withstood such tempta- 
tions. 

He represents himself as being illy calculated to obtain 
the favor of the society in which he moved ; that his ha- 
bitual silence, when he did not think the subjects discussing 
worthy of being canvassed ; his observing disposition, sim- 
plicity of manners, and independence of mind, '' lendered 
it impossible for him to bend to the graces of the court, or 
to the charms of a supper in the capital." " You ask me, 
(he says,) at what period I first experienced my ardent love 
of liberty and glory ? I recollect no time of life anterior 
to my enthusiasm for anecdotes of glorious deeds, and to 
my projects of travelling over the world to acquire fame. 
At eight years of age, my heart beat when I heard of an 
hyena that had done some injury, and caused still more 
alarm, in our neighborhood, and the hope of meeting it was 
the object of all my walks. When I arrived at college, 
nothing ever interrupted my studies, except my ardent wish 
of studying without restraint. I never deserved to be chas- 
tised ; but in spite of my usual gentleness, it would have 
been dangerous to have attem-pted to do so ; and I recol- 
lect with pleasure that, when I was to describe in rhetoric 
a perfect courser, I sacrificed the hope of obtaining a pre- 
mium, and described the one, who, on perceiving the v/hip, 
threw down his rider. Republican anecdotes always de- 
lighted me, and when my new connexions wished to obtain 
for me a place at court, I did not hesitate displeasing them 
to preserve my independence." 

The place here alluded to was one in the household of the 
Count de Provence (afterwards Louis XVIII,) who was 
rather solicitous on the subject. Lafayette, who never man- 
ifested very great respect for royal blood, took a ludicrous 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. SS 

method of silencing these importunities. Having met the 
count at a masquerade ball, he recognized liim under his 
mask ; and in a conversation, during which the count en- 
deavored to display his memory to advantage, Lafayette re- 
marked that "It was unnecessary to take so much trouble 
to prove that memory was the wit of fools." The count 
.afterwards ascertaining that Lafayette knev/ him, notwith- 
standing his mask, at the time this remark was made, came 
to the conclusion that the young marquis would not make a 
very obsequious follower, and nothing more was said about 
attaching him to his person. 

At this period, also, Lafayette was a member of an as- 
sociation of young men, in which the principles of civil 
liberty were discussed. When, therefore, the dawn of the 
American revolution burst upon the astonished eyes of Eu. 
rope, Lafayette was prepared to become its open advocate, 
as he soon after became its active partisan. 



CHAPTER IL 

Commencement of the American Revolution. Ifs high character and 
objects. Lafayette among the first to espouse the cause. Origin of 
that intention. Resolves to go to America. Opposition of family 
and friends. Interview with Mr. Deane. Secret preparations. Mr. 
Deane's written stipulation. News of American disastei"s — their 
effects. Franklin and Deane dissuade Lafayette. His perseverance 
and confidence. Prepares to purchase and equip a vessel. Opposi- 
tion of the French government. Vigilance of the British envoy — 
evades it. Corresponds with Franklin and Deane. Visit to England 
Distinguished reception. Openly avows his sentiments. Hastily 
returns to Paris. Prepares to depart for America. Government in- 
terference. His arrest ordered. Trying crisis. Proceeds in dis- 
guise. Pursued. Recognized by a young girl. His secret kept. 
Reaches Passage in safety. 

The resistance of the British colonies in America to the 
oppressive acts of the mother country, was the commence- 
ment of a new and important era in the history of nations. 
Goverjiments had been long accustomed ro regard the gov. 
erned in the light of dependants, and to tyramse over them 
with impunity ; and the farther the victims were removed 
from the seat of power, the more inveterate and astringent 

3 



26 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

were the measures of coercion exercised towards them, and 
the more p ss ve and unresisting had they remained. — 
Rebellions were not unfrequent; but they vvere the outbreaks 
of passion, rather than the offspring of virtuous indignation ; 
and the oiienders were spee<lily scourged back to subservi- 
ency or despair. Revolutions there were; but they aimed 
not at the subversion of unjust power — they sought and ac- 
complished on'y the exchant>e of one tyrant, or set of ty- 
rants, foi- another. The American revolution first presented 
to the world the sublime spectacle of a virtuous people fear- 
lessly contending fl)r virtuous principles. The inalienable 
rights of man, were clearly and boldly defined. Liberty 
was proclriimed in reason, and not in licentiousness. The 
olive branch and the sword were both held out by the op- 
pressed to their oppressors ; and a declaration to meet death 
rather than submit to slavery, was sealed with the sacrifice 
of b'ood. An effort so bold and daring, and yet so just, was 
well calculated to excit« the apprehensions of despots, the 
sympathy of the virtuous, and ttie admiration of all men. 

Lafayette was among the first in Europe to espouse the 
causc of the Americans, lie waited not to calculate or to 
ascertain their chances of success. " When I first learned 
the subject of this quarrel, (says he.) my heart espoused 
warmly the cause of liberty, and I thoua;ht of nothing but 
of adding also the aid of my banner." His design of going 
to America, and offciring his personal s'^rvices in the army, 
is stated by Mr. Sparks, who doubtless derived the fact 
from Lafayette himself, to have originated in the following 
manner : 

" In the summer of 1776, (says Mr. Sparks, The Writings 
of Washington, Vol. V, Appendix No. 1, p. 447,) M. de La- 
fayette was stationed on military duty at Metz, being tb<ili 
an officer in the French army. It happened at this time 
that the Duke of Gloucester, brother to the King of Eng- 
land, was at Metz, and a dinner was given to him by the 
commandant of that place. Ssverai officers were invited, 
and among others Lafayette. Despatches had just been 
received by the duke from England, and he made their con- 
tents the topic of conversation ; they related to American 
affairs, the recent declaration of independence, the resist- 
ance of the colonists, and the strong measures adopted by 
the ministry to crush the rebellion. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 2t 

*' The details were new to Lafayette; he listened with 
eagerness to the conversation, and prolongrd it hy asking 
questions of the duke. His curiosi;y was deeply excited 
by what he heard, and the idea of a people fightins^ for lib- 
erty had a strong influence upon his imagination ; the cause 
seemf^d to him just and node, from the representations of 
the duke himself; and before he left the table, the thought 
came into his head that he would go to Amciica, and offer 
his services to a pdople who were .struggling for fr<-'edom 
and independence. From that hour he could think of noth- 
ing but this chivalrous enterprise. He resolved to return 
to Paris and make t^urther inq liries." 

To his determination thus formed, Lafiyette i)ad reason 
to apprehend the opposition of his family and friend-;. Hia 
inquiries and pre()arations were therefore made with the ut- 
most secrecy. Among those to whom he confided his in- 
tentions, was bis relative the Count de Broglie, and M. du 
Boismartin, secretary to the count. The latter person at 
once approved of his conduct, and afterwaids rendered him 
important assistance. The count, however, used every ar- 
gument to dissuade him from this enterprise. " I have 
seen," said he, " your uncle die in the wars of Italy ; I 
witnessed your father's death at the battle ofMinden ; and 
I will not be accessary to the ruin of the only remaining 
branch of the family." But, contrary to the autho ily of 
Mr. Sparks, Lafayette himself savs, that the count's " af- 
fectionate heart, when all his efforts to turri me from this 
project had proved vain, entered into my views with even 
paternal tenderness." 

Mr. Silas Deane was at this time in Paris, commissioned 
to act, with rather indefinite authority, by the Am rican 
Congress. The French gover.iment fear, d and refuse!) to 
recognize him in any official capacity. Through the Ba- 
ron de Kalb, with whom a sympathy of feelings an<l design 
had brought him acquainted, Lafayette wats introduced to 
Mr. Deane. " When," says he, " I presented to Mr. Deane 
my boyish face, (for I whs scarcely nineteen years of age,) I 
spoke more of my ardor in ilie cause than of my experience ; 
but I dwelt much upon the effect my departure would excite 
in France, and he signed our mu'.ual agieement. The 
secrecy (he adds) with which this negotia ion and my pre- 
parations were made, appears almost a miracle : family, 



^8 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

friends, ministers, French spies and English spies, all were 
kept completely in the dark as to my intentions." 

The written stipulation, signed by Mr. Deane, so credit- 
able to both parties, and so highly important, as the first 
step in securing the services of Lafayette, and eventually 
the alliance of the French government, to the Anierican 
cause, was in the following words: 

* The desire which the Marquis de Lafayette shows of serving 
among the troops ot the United States of North America, and the in- 
terest which he takes in the justice of their cause, make him wish to 
distinguish himself in this war, and to render himself as useful as he 
possibly can. But not thinking that he can obtain leave of his family 
to pass the seas and to serve in a foreign country, till he can go as a 
general officer, I have thought I could not better serve my country, and 
those who have entrusted me, than by granting to him, in the name of 
the very honorable Congress, the rank of Major-General, which I beg 
the states to confirm and ratify to him, and lo deliver him the commis- 
sion to hold and take rank from this day with the general officers of 
the same degree. His high birth, his alliances, the great dignities 
which his family holds at this court, his considerable estates in this 
realm, his personal merit, his reputation, his disinterestedness, and 
above all, his zeal for the liberty of our provinces are such, as to in- 
duce me alone to promise him the rank of Major-General, in the name 
of the United States. In witness of which, I have signed the present 
this 7th day of December, 1776. 

Silas Deane.' 

Preparations were making to despatch a vessel to Amer- 
ica, with arms and other military supplies for the army, in 
which Lafayette was to take passage. But news, disastrous 
to the American cause, put a stop to these preparations. 
The American army had been obliged to evacuate Long Isl- 
land, and the city of New Yoi k. Fort Washington had been 
surrendered to the British forces ; and the brave band of 
American heroes were compelled to retreat across the Jer- 
seys, aniidst intense privations and sufferings, before the vic- 
torious forces of British and Hessians. The last hope of 
Liberty appeared about to be extinguished. At least such 
was the general impression in Frence. To obtain a vessel, 
or to raise money, had become impossible. Doct. Franklin 
and Arthur Lee, who liad become associated with Mr. Deane, 
with more ample and definite powers, now united in per- 
suading Lafayette to abandon his project. But the young 
hero was not to be dissuaded from hs patriotic and glori- 
ous purpose. The kindred spirits of Washington and Lafay^ 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 2§ 

ette, though separated by a wide ocean, sympathized in this 
dark hoar. Tlieir bosoms swelled with the love of liberty, 
and tlieir courage rose under the pressure of adverse circum- 
stances. They despaired not of the American cause, but 
simultaneously expressed a confidence in its uititiiate tri- 
umph. " I called," says Lafayette, upon Mr. Deane, and 
I thanked him for his frankness. 'Until now, sir,' said I, 
' you have only seen my ardor in your cause, and that may 
not prove at present wholly useless. I shall purchase a 
ship to carry out your oiFicers ; we must feel confidence in 
the future, and it is especially in the hour of danger that I 
wish to share your fortune.' " 

This noble and generous proposition was of course acce- 
ded to by the American commissioners ; and Lafayette im- 
mediately took measures to raise the money and to purchase 
and arm a vessel, entirely at his own expense. It was ne- 
cessary, however, to preserve the utmost secrecy in these 
operations. The French government was less inclined than 
ever to compromise itself with England, by appearing to aid 
or countenance her revolted colonies ; and the British minis- 
ter at the French court, kept a vigilant eye, not only upon 
the government itself, but upon the movements of the Amer- 
ican commissioners and all those who were supposed to be 
friendly to the American cause. Lafaye'te had contempla- 
ted a journey to England, in company with the Prince de 
Poix. The French government, for diplomatic reasons, 
had encouraged this visit. The time, partially fixed upon 
for it, was at hand. Lest his refusal should excite suspi- 
cions, and the better to conceal the preparations that were 
making to repair and equip his vessel destined for America, 
he deemed it expedient to comply with the engagement. 
The expediency of the movement was also concurred in by 
Doct. Franklin and Mr. Deane, whom, at tliat time, Lafay- 
ette did not venture to visit at their residence, but with 
whom he says, *' he corresponded, through M. Carmichael, 
an American less generally known." 

On arriving in London with his companion, Lafayette, 
true to the feelings of his heart, as he himself states, '\first 
paid his respects to Bancroft the American, and afterwards 
to his British majesty." The young visiters, being of no- 
ble blood, were treated with great distinction, by the titled 
partisans of the English ministry. For this treatment, 

a* 



30 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

they were doubtless as much indebted to diplomatic consid- 
eraiions as to the spirit of Epglish hospitality. It was an 
object, at that crisis, to keep up at least the appearance of 
amicable relations between the two governments. Lafay- 
ette, therefore, accepted of these civilities, " dancing at the 
house of Lord Germain, minister for the English colonies, 
and at the house of LordRawdon, who had just returned from 
New York, and seeing at the opera that Clinton whom he 
was afterwards to meet at Monmouth." But he disavows 
all duplicity of action or design. " Whilst I concealed my 
intentions" (as to going to America, he says,) " I openly 
avowed my sentiments ; I often defended the Americans ; I 
rejoiced at their success at Trenton ; and my spirit of oppo- 
sition obtained for me an invitation to breakfast with Lord 
Selbourne. I refused the offers made me to visit the sea- 
ports, the vessels fitting out against the rehels, and every- 
thing that might be construed into a broach of confidence. 
At the end of three weeks, when it became necessary fur me 
to return home, whilst refusing my uncle, the ambassador, 
to accompany him to court, I confided -to him my strong 
desire to take a trip to Paris. He proposed saying that I 
was ill during my absence. I should not have made use of 
this stratagem myself, but I did not object to his doing so." 
Anxious to depart for America, Lafayette thus cut short 
his visit in England, in a manner which must have appear- 
ed abrupt. On arriving in Paris, he went directly to the 
house of M. De Kalb; concealed himself for three days at 
Chaillot, saw a few of his friends and some Americans, and 
set out for Bordeaux, where his vessel, secretly purchased 
in his behalf, by his friend Diiboismartin, had been undergo- 
ing repairs. An unexpected delay here occurred, the vessel 
not being ready for sea. He availed himself of this delay 
to despatch a messenger to Paris for intelligence. By the 
return of this messenger, he learned that his intentions had 
become known at Versailles, and that an order by the king 
for his arrest, was already on the road. He therefore set 
sail immediately for Passage, a Spanish port, where he in- 
tended to complete his arrangements. Here the orders from 
his sovereign and the communiealions from his friends, over- 
took him. " The letters," he says, " from my family, were 
extremely violent, and those from the government were pe- 
remptory ; I was forbidden to proceed to the American conti- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 31 

nent under the penalty of disobedience ; I was enjoined to re- 
pair instantly to Marseilles, and await their further orders." 

This was a trying crisis for the young patriot. His 
courage, his sincerity and his fidelity, were severely tested. 
Had his espousal of the cause of liberty been but a roman- 
tic impulse, sufficient time had elapsed for his ardor to 
cool. Were pretexts wanting for an abandonment of the 
enterprise ; — abundant, and weighty ones, were furnished, 
to justify such a course, without impeaching his valor, his 
good faith, or his honor. It was, for one in his station, no 
slight affair to disobey the orders of his sovereign. The 
confidence of a despotic monarch and a proud aristocracy 
might be withdrawn from him ; his immense estates, now 
under his own control, confiscated ; the affections of family 
and kindred forfeited for ever ; and the proud champion of 
America, instead of exercising a boundless inflence and ex- 
haustless resources in the cause he had espoused, might 
became an exile and outlaw in the land where liberty as 
yet maintained a doubtful contest. There were considera- 
tions, yet more powerful. There was "a tie that bound 
him" to his country, stronger than all these. He had a 
young wife whom he most tenderly loved. He had, for the 
purpose of sparing her feelings and his own, departed with- 
out taking personal leave. She was in that delicate situa- 
tion which demands and excites the tenderest sympathies 
of a husband. She had expressed her grief, in common 
witii his other connexions, on his design to depart for Amer- 
ica being known. This, he declares, had more effect upon 
him, than the threatened anathema, the laws of the state, 
and the power and displeasure of the government. 

But the firmness of Lafayette was not to be shaken amidst 
these trials. It is well for the independence of America that 
it was so : for without the aid of France, the munitions, the 
soldiers, and the fleets she sent us, induced by the example 
and solicitations of Lafayette, our brave armies might have 
struggled in vain. It was necessary tor him, however, to 
yield a tacit obedience, for the purpose of expostulating 
with power, and seeking a more favorable opportunity for 
a final departure. He returned to Bordeaux, and entered 
into a correspondence with the ministers, justifying his con- 
duct, and soliciting leave to pursue his intentions. No di- 
rect answer being returned to these solicitations, he wrote 



32 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

to M. de Maurepas, that he considered this silence of the 
gfovernment as " a tacit consent." He learned, however, 
through a confidential person s-nt to M. de Coigny, that 
there were no hopes of attaining the perm'ss'on he wished 
ibr. Under the pretence of repairing to Miirsailles, where 
he had received an order to joifi his father-in-law, who was 
going into Italy, L ifayetle set off in a postchaise with an 
offici^r nam^'d Maurey, vvho was desirous of going to America. 
Soon after leaving: Bordeaux, he discriiised himself as a cou- 
rier, and mounted on horseback. The carriage taking the 
road to Bayonne, Lafayette rode forward to procure relays 
of horses. At Bayonne, they stopped for two or three hours; 
and v/hile Maurey transacted some requisite business, La- 
fayette lay on some straw in the stable. Pursuing their 
journey, Lafayette still in the character and costume of a 
courier, he was recognized at a little village called St. Jean 
de Luz, while calling for horses, by a young girl, daugh- 
ter of the postmaster. She had noticed him a few days 
previous, while on his way from Passage to Bordeaux. He 
made a sign to her to keep silent. The y<»uno; girl under- 
stood the sifrnal, and observed it faithful! v. When his pur- 
suers came up, she answered to their inquiries, that a car- 
riage had passed, but it contained no such a person as they 
inquired for. This adroit answer turned away pursuit, and 
Lafayette reached his vessel at Passage in safety. 



CHAPTER HL 

Sails for America. Voyage. Difficulties with the captain. Study and 
employment. Letters to Madame Lafayette. Prophetic sentiments. 
Arrives at Georgetown, S. C. Lands on the American shore. — 
Sivears to conquer or perish in the cause. At the house of Major 
Huger. First impressions. Reception at Charleston. Letter from 
thence. Journey by land to Philadelphia. 

The SJ^me day that he rejoined his vessel at Passage, the 
26th of April, 1877, Lafayette set sail for America. He 
was accompmied by the Baron de Kalb, and eleven other 
officers of different ranks, vvho des gned, with him, to join 
the American standard. The vessel in which they em- 
barked, is described as a heavy ship, with two bad cannon 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 8S 

and a few guns, and illy fitted for resistance, even against a 
small privateer. It was Lafayette's determination, however, 
not to be taken ; and he concerted measures with a brave 
Dutchman on board, named Bedaulx, to blow up the vessel, 
rather than surrender, in case of attack. ""I he ship's pa- 
pers had been taken out for the French West India Islands. 
The captain was reluctant to depart from this avowed des- 
tination ; or at least without touching at the islands, the ui>aul 
course then pursued by French vessels bound for America ; 
and it was not until Lafayette, after expostulating with him, 
claiming the control of his own property, and threatening- 
to deprive him of command, and give it to ihe mate, that 
the captain consented to steer directly for the American 
coast. Lafayette afterwards ascertained, that the captain's 
reluctance to comply, arose from his having goods in the 
ship to the value of eight thousand dollars ; and although 
the goods had been put on board without his authority. La. 
fayelte generously guarantied <heir safety to the captain. 
It was fortunate that the direct course to America was pur- 
sued ; for the French government had despatched orders 
to the West India islands to stop LafayettC; should his ves^ 
sel touch there in its passage. 

Lafayette, in the commencement of the voyage, experi* 
enced severe sea sickness. When he recovered Irom the 
effects of it, he employed himself in studying the English 
language, and military tactics. Nor did he neizlect the 
duties of affection. In a letter addressed to his wife, dated 
« On board the Victory, May 30, 1777," he says : 

" How ma^jy fears and anxieties enhance tbe keen an- 
guish I feel at being separated from all that I love most 
fondly in the world ! How have you borne my second de- 
parture ? Have you loved me less ? Have you pardoned 
me ? Have you reflected that, at all events, I must equally 
have been parted from you — wandering about in Italy, drag- 
ging on an inglorious life, surrounded by the persons most 
opposed to my projects and to my manner of thinking? 
All these reflections, did not prevent my expericiicing the 
most bitter grief when the moment arrived for quitting my 
native shore. Your sorrow, that of my friends, Henrietta, 
all rushed upon my thoughts, and my heart was torn by a 
thousand painful feelings. I could not at that instant find 
&ny excuse for my own conduct. If you could know all 



34 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

that I have suff-reH, and the me'ancholy days that I have 
passed, whilst th'is flyii.'g from all that I love best in tho 
world ! Must I join to this affliction the grief of hearing 
that you do not pardon me ? 1 should in truth, my love, 
be too unhappy." 

Under date of June 7th, he adds : 

" I am si.l floating upi)n this dreary plain, the most wea- 
risorne of all human habilations:. To console mvself a lit. 
tie, 1 think of you and of mv friends. I think of the pleas- 
ure of see no; vouajjain. How deliojhtful will beihe moment 
of my arrival ! I shall hasten to surprise and embrace you. 
I shall perhaps find ynu with your ch.ld.en. To think, only, 
of that happy moment, is an inexpressible plea.sure to me ; 
do not f mcy ihat it is distant ; although the time of my ab- 
sence will appear, I own, very long to me, yet we shall 
meet sooner than you can expect. Whilst defiending ihe 
liberty I adore, I shall enjoy perfect freedom myself; I but 
offer my services to that inlensting republic frcim motives 
of tlie purest kind, unmixi d with ambition or private views ; 
her happiness and my glory are my only incentives to the 
task. 1 hope that, for my sake, > ou will become a good 
American, for that feeling is worthy of every noble heart. 
The happiness of America is intim ite'y connected v\ith the 
happine.-s of all mankind. She will become the safe and 
res,jected asylum of virtue, integrity, toleration, equality, 
and tranquil happiness." 

How piitrioiic, how just, and how prophetic, were the 
closing sentences which we have quoted from this affection- 
ate letter ! Let not the reader cavil at the teums of endear- 
ment which are indulged by the writer, in the foregoing and 
other letters whi( h we shall find occa-ion to copy. Let it 
be realized, thai th?y are the tribuies of a youihful husband 
to a \oung and lovely and beloved wife, from whom he is 
separated by a wide expanse of waters, which could not at 
that day be crossed witiiout a long, tedioua-, and hazardous 
passage. What a womerful revolution has since been 
wrought by the science of navigation and the magic power 
of steam ! 

In a po-tscript to the same letter, dated June 15th, he in- 
forms Medame Lafayette of his saf • arr. val iti pc-rfect health 
at the house of Major Huger, m Georgetown, South Saro- 
lina ; — -ihat he should set uut the same evening for Charles- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 35 

ton, from whence he should repair by land fo Philadelphia, 
to join the army. His first impressions of the country, as 
being highly fivor.ible, were indicated. "The manners in 
this part of the world, (he say.^,) are simple, polite, and wor- 
thy in every respect of the country in which the noble name 
of liberty is constantly repented." 

It was after a perilous voyage of seven weeks, having 
been alarmed by a privateer, which pro\ ed to be American, 
and providentially escaped the vigilance of two Briiish 
cruisers which were on the coast, that Lafayette and his 
companions reached the American shore, near Georgetown, 
South Carolina. " A-^cending (he asserts in his Memoirs) 
the river in a canoe, his foot touched at length the American 
shore, and he swore that he would conquer or perish in 
that cause. Landing at midnight at Majnr Huger's house, 
he found a Vtssel sailing for France, winch appeared only 
waiting for his letters." 

" When they landed, (says Mr. Sparks,) a distant light 
served to guide them. As they approached the house from 
whence it issued, ti.e dogs barked, and the people took them 
for a band of marauders landing from an enemy's ship. 
They were asked who they were, and what they wanted. 
Baron Kalb replied, and all suspicions vanished. The next 
morning the weather was beautiful. The novelty of all 
that surrounded him — the room, the bed covered with mos. 
cheto nets, the black servants who came to ask liis com- 
mands, the beauty and foreign aspect of the country which 
he beheld from his windows, and v/hich was covered by a 
rich vegetation, all united to produce on M. de Lafiyette a 
magical effect, and excite in him a variety of inexpressible 
sensations," 

Provided with horses by Hajor Huger, Lafayette and 
several of his companions repaired directly to Charleston, 
Others remained in the vessel, which also proceeded to 
Charleston harbor. Fortune, as well as its illustrious 
owner, here foisook it; and soon after, on its departure for 
France, laden with rice, it struck upon the bar, and the ves- 
sel and cargo were entirely lost. At Charleston, the re. 
ception of Lafayette was cordial and satisfactory. He vis- 
ited the fortifications in company with Generals Gadsden 
and Moultrie. Thatcher states, that on this occasion, 
charmed with the gallant defence of the fort on Sullivan's 



36 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Island, which had been conducted by General Moultrie the 
year previous, Lafayette presented him with clothing, arms, 
and accoutrements for one hundred men. " This beautiful 
city (sriys Lafayette) is v/orthy of its inhabitants, and every 
thing there announced not only comfort, but even luxury.'' 
But the following extracts from a letter to Mil dame de La- 
fayette, dated at Charleston, June 19th, describes his recep- 
tion, feelings, and the incidents which occurred previous to 
his leaving that city : 

" I landed after having sailed for several days along a 
coast swarming with hostile vessels. On my arrival here 
every one told me that my ship must undoubtedly be taken, 
because two English frigates had blockaded the harbor. I 
even sent, botb by land and sea, orders to the captain to 
put the men on shore, and burn the vessel, if he had still the 
powe-i* of doing so. Well ! by a moat extraordinary piece 
of good fortune, a sudden gale of wmd having blown away 
the frigates for a short time, my vessel arrived at noon-day, 
without having encountered friend or foe. At Charleston 
I have met with General Howe, a general officer, now en- 
gaged in service. The governor of the state is expected 
this evening from the country. All the persons with whom 
I wished to be acquainted have shown me the greatest at- 
tention and politeness (not European politeness merely) ; I 
can only feel gratitude for the raception I have met with, 
although I have not yet thought proper to enter into any 
detail respecting my future prospects and arrangements. I 
wish to see the congress first. I hope to set out in two days 
for Philadelphia, which is a land journey of more than two 
hundred and fifty leagues. We shall divide into small 
parties ; I have already purchased horses and light car- 
riages for this purpose. 

" I shall now speak to you, ray love, about the country 
and its inhabitants, who are as agreeable as my enthusiasm 
had led me to imagine. Simplicity of manner, kindness 
of heart, love of country, and of liberty, and a delightful 
state of equality, are met with universally. The richest 
and the poorest man are completely on a level ; and al- 
though there are some immense foi'tunes in this country, I 
may challenge any one to point out the slightest difference 
in their respective manner towards each other. I first saw 
and judged of a country life at Major Huger's house : I am 



LIFE OF tAFAYETTfi.- 37 

at present in this city, where every thing somewhat resem* 
bleS the English customs, except that you find more simpli- 
city here than you would do in England. Charleston is 
one of the best built, handsomest, and most agreeable cities 
that I have ever seen. The American women are very 
pretty, and have great simplicity of character; and the 
extreme neatness of their appearance is truly delightful: 
cleanliness is everywhere even more studiously attended to 
here than in England. What gave me most pleasure is 
to see how completely the citizens are all brethren of one 
family. In America there are none poor, and none even 
that can he called peasants. Each citizen has some proper- 
ty, and all citizens have the same rights as the richest in- 
dividual, or landed proprietor, in the country. The inns are 
very different from those of Europe ; the host and hostess 
sit at the table with you, and do the honors of a comforta- 
ble meal ; and when you depart, you pay your bill without 
being obliged to tax it. If you should dislike going to inns, 
you may always find country houses in which you will be 
received, as a good American, with the same attention that 
you might expect to find at a friend's house in Europe, 

" My own reception has been most peculiarly agreeable. 
To have been merely my travelling companion, suffices to 
secure the kindest welcome. I have just passed five hours 
at a large dinner given in compliment to me by an individual 
of this town. Generals Howe and Moultrie, and several 
officers of my suite, were present. We drank each other's 
health, and endeavored to talk English, which I am begin- 
ning to speak a little. I shall pay a visit to-morrow, with 
these gentlemen, to the governor of the state, and make the 
last arrangements for my departure. The next day the 
commanding officer here will take me to see the town and 
its environs, and I shall then set out to join the army. 

"From the agreeable life I lead in this country, from the 
sympathy which makes me feel as much at ease with the 
inhabitants as if I had known them twenty years, the simi- 
larity between their manner of thinking and of my own, my 
love of glory and of liberty, you might imagine that I am 
very happy : but you are not with me, my dearest love ; 
my friends are not with me ; and there is no happiness for 
me when far from you and them. I often ask you if you 
still love, but I put that ejuestion still more often to myself^ 

4 



83 . LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

and my heart ever answers,, yes ; I trust that my heart 
does not deceive me. I am inexpressibly anxious to hear 
from you ; I hope to find some letteis at Philadelphia. My 
only fear is that the privateer which was to brinoj them 
to me should have been captured on her way. Although 
1 can easily imagine tliat I have excited the especial dis- 
pleasure of the Knglish, by taking the liberty of coming 
hither in spite of them, and l;indin<4 before their very face, 
yet 1 must confe;;stnat we shall be even more than on a par 
if they succeeded in catching that vessel, the object of my 
fondest hopes, by wh:ch' I am expecting to receive your 
letters. J entreat you to send me both long and frequent 
letters. You are not sufficiently conscious of the joy with 
which I shall receive thein. Embrace, mo.st tenderly, mj 
Henriette: may I add, embrace our children? The father 
of those poor children is a wanderer, but he is, nevertheless, 
a good honest man — a good father, warmly attached to his 
family, and a good hushnnd a'so, for he loves his wife 
most tenderly. The night is far advanced, the heat in- 
tense, and I am devoured by gnats ; but the best countries, 
as you p rceive, have their inconveniences. Adieu, my 
love, adieu." 

Agreeably to arrangements, Lafavette, accompanied by 
six otiier officers, set out by land for Philadelj)hia. At that 
period, from unfavorable weather, the newness and bad 
state of the roads, and to strangers to the country and its 
mode of travelling, it was an arduous journey. The pro- 
gress of the travellers is slated in a letter from Lafayette to 
his wife, dated at Petersburgh, July 17th, 1777. 

" I am n<»w, (he says,) eight days' journey from Philadel- 
phia, in the beautiful state of Virginia. All fatigue is over, 
and I fear that my martial labors will be very light, if it 
be true that General Howe has left New York, to go I know 
not whither. But all the accounts I receive are so uncer- 
tain, that I cannot form any fixed opinion until I reach my 
destination. 

" You must have learnt the particulars of the commence- 
ment of my journey : you know that I set out in a brilliant 
manner in a carriage, and I must now tell you that we are 
all on horseback' — having broken the carriage, according 
to my usual praiseworthy custom — and I hope soon to write 
to you that we have arrived on foot. The journey is some- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 39 

what fatiguing; but although several of my comrades have 
sufFend a great deal, I have scarcely mysf If been conscidus 
of fatigue. The captam who takes charge of this letter will, 
perhaps, pay you a visit. I beg you in that case, to re- 
ceive hitn with great kindness. ******** 
" The farther I advance to the north, the better pleased 
am I with ihe country and its inhabitants. There is no 
attention or kindness that I do not recuve, although muny 
scarcely know who I am. But I will write all this to you 
more in detail from Philadelphia." 



CHAPTER IV, 

Lafayette arrives in Philadelphia. State of affairs Anxiety for em- 
ployment. Applies to Congress. Embarrassing circumstances. — 
Cool reception — Offers to serve at his own expense, and as a volun- 
teer. Accepted by Congress. Commission as Major-General. La- 
feyette's first interview with Gen. Washington. His arrival at the 
American Camp. His description of the army — Anxious for an 
active command. Embarrassment of Gen. Washington. 

Afteti a fatiguing journey of one month, having rode 
nearly nine hundred miles on horseback, Lafayette at length 
reached Philadelphia, where the American Cortgress was 
assembled. The period of his arrival was apparently pro- 
pitious to his patriotic design, and ardent wishes fur imme- 
diate employment. The disasters of the previous catnpaign 
had heen in a measure retrieved ; but perils ex sted and dan- 
gers threatened to an eminent degree. We have said that 
the kindred spirits of Washington and Lafayette, though 
separated by a wide ocean, sympathised in that dark hour. 
They mutually retained confidence in the final triumph of 
the Amer can arms. When asked, after the retreat through 
New Jersey, what he would do if Philadelphia should be 
taken, Washin»ton is reported to have said, " We will retreat 
beyond the Susqu-hanna river ; ar.d thence, if nece-sary, 
to the Allegany mountain^-." " Knowing, as he did, (says 
Mr. Sparks.) the temper of the psople, the deep-rooted 
cause of the controversy, and the actual resources of the 
confederacy, he was not disheastened by temj)orary misfor- 
tunes, being pursuaded that perseveraiice would at last 



40 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

overcome every obstacle* Endowed by Congress with ex- 
traordinary powers, he employed them promptly, energ-eti- 
caily, and successfully, to increase the numerical force and 
military re?oarcerf of the army. He reciossed the Dela- 
ware, defeated the British and Hessian forces at Trenton, 
recovered the possession of New Jersey, and encamped for 
the winter of 1776-7 at Morristovvn. Late in the spring 
of 1778, Philadelphia being threatened by the British for- 
ces, by land and water. Washington marched his army to 
Germantown, prepan d to act at a moment's warning, where 
it was at th^ time of Lafa\ ette's arrival. 

Anxious to unite himself to the cause, Lafayette, imme- 
diately after reaching Philadelphia, placed his letiers, and 
his stipulations with ilMr. Deane, in the hands of Mr, Lovell, 
Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. But un- 
expected obstacles were opjiosed to his ardent expecat.ons. 
So great a nimiber of foreigners, many of them importu- 
nate and needy adventurers, had applied for employment 
and stations in the army, that Congress was embarrassed, 
and almost determined to listen to no further applications 
of the kind. " Tne coldness with which Lafayette was 
received," he himself remarks, " might have been taken for 
a dismissal." Wiien he repaired next day to Congress Mr. 
Lovell came out and told him, that, fur the reasons we have 
mentioned above, there was but little hope of his request be- 
ing acceded to. The youth and inexperience of Lafayette 
might have had some inflaence in occasioning ihf cool- 
ness of his *irst reception. B it on no grounds, after the 
sacrifice he had made, could, it be justified. Nothing daun^ 
ted by it, however, and suspecting that his letters had not 
been read, he immediately penned the following note, with 
which he desired Mr. Lovell to return and present to Con^ 
gress : 

" After the sacrifices I have made, I have a right to exact 
two favors : one is to serve at my own expense — the other 
is, to sei ve as a volunteer." 

A proposition so generous and magnanimous, awakened 
Congress to a ^ense of its author's worth, to the prospect 
of his usefulness, and to the obligations thus imposed upon 
them to exhibit a corresponding degrre of confidence and 
liberality. Promptly, therefore, on the 31st July, 1777, 
the following preamble and resolution were adopted : 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 4J-. 

•'* Whereas, the Marquis de Lafayette, out of his great zeal 
in the cause of libe.ty, in which ilie United State's :ire en- 
gaged, h:is left his family and conne^xions, and, at his own 
exj)8nse, come over to offer his service to the United States, 
without pension or particular allowance, and is anxi. us to 
risk is life in our cause : 

'• Resolved, That his services be accepted, and that in 
consideration of his zeal, ilia^trious family and connexions, 
he i)ave the rank and commission of a Major-General in the 
armv of the United States." 

This rank and CGmmission, however, was as yet but a bar- 
ren tide. It was clothed with no corresponding command. 
But, while Congress exercised no more than ordinary pru- 
•dence ia withho:ding an immediate command from one so 
young and as yet untried, they, in this pulilic declaration, 
accepted in a delicate and honorable mode the services of 
Lafayette, and conferred the pi\)ud rank of a Major-general 
in the American army upon an embryo hero, who had not 
reached the age of twenty years! 

The day follovving this event, August Ist, 1777, Lafayette 
had his tirst interview with the commander-in-chief, with 
whose services and fame he was destined to be so closely 
identified. On the 31st of July, Washington had received 
information that the enemy's fleet, with the army of Lord 
Howe on board, the eccentric movements of which nt that 
time caused so much embarrassment as to its contemplated 
point of attack, had arrived at the Capes of Delaware. He 
immediately gave orders for the several divisions of the Ame- 
rican army to march upon Philadelphia, and he hiiTjself re- 
paired to tliat city for the purpose of procuring intelligence 
and arranging for the defence of the city. Ii was at a din- 
ner party that Lafayette wa« first introduced to Gen. Wash- 
ington. " Although, says Lafayette, he w<is surrounded by 
officers and citizens, it was impossible to mistake for a mo- 
ment his majestic figure and depojtment ; nor was he less 
distinguished by the noble affability of his manners." — 
*' When the company were about to separate," says Mr. 
Sparks, " Washinoton took Lafayette aside, spoke to him 
very kindly, complimented him upon the noble spirit he had 
shown and the sacrifices he had made in favor of the Arne- 
rican cause, and then told him, that he should be pleased 

if he would make the head quarters of the commander-in- 

4* 



42 LitE OF LAFAYETTE*. 

chief his home, establish himself there whenever he thought 
proper, and consider himself at all times as one of hisfam- 
ily ; adding, in a tone of pleasantry, that he could not prom- 
ise him the luxuries of a court; or even the conveniences 
which liis former liabits might have rendered essential to 
comfort ; but, since he had become an American soldier, 
he would doubtless contrive to accommodate himself to the 
character he had assumed, and submit with a good grace 
to the customs, manners, and privations of the republican 
army." 

From this moment the bond of friendship was sealed be- 
tween these heroes, which was to cement them throughout 
their lives in the cause of liberty and philanthropy, and to 
connect iheir names and virtues in tlie memory of mankind 
for ever. 

On the day that Lafayette arrived at the American camp, 
to take up his quarters in the military family of Washing- 
ton, there was a review of tiie troops by the General. To 
the eye of Lafayeite, accust imed to view the well disciplin- 
ed, Weil fed, and well imiformed troops of Europe this first 
introduction to that army upon which hung the destinies of 
a nation which was to rival the world, was novel and inter- 
esting. It is thus described, in his own language: 

''■ About eleven thousand men, ill armed and still worse 
clothed, presented a strange spectacle to the eye of the young 
Frenchman : their clothes were party-colored, and many of 
them were almost naked ; tlie best clad wore hunting skirts^ 
large gray linen coats, which were much used in Carolina. 
As to their military tactics, it will be sufficient to say that^." 
for a regiment ranged in order of battle to move forward on 
the right of its line, it was necessary for the left to make a 
continued countermarch. They were always arranged in 
two lines, the smallest man in the first line ; no other dis- 
tinction as to height was ever observed. In spite of these 
disadvantages, the soldiers were fine, and the officers zeal- 
ous ; virtue stood in the place of science, and each day ad- 
ded both to experience and discipline. Lord Stirling, more 
courageous than judicious, another general who was often 
intoxicated, and Greene, whose talents were only then 
known to his immediate friends, commanded as majors-gen- 
eral. General Knox, who had changed the profession of 
bookseller to that of artillery oificer, was there also, and 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 43 

with himself formed other ofRcers, and created an artillery. 
' We must feel embarrassed,' said General Washington, on 
his arrival, ' to exhibit ourselves before an officer who has 
just quitted French troops.' ' It is to learn and not to teach 
that 1 came hither,' replied M. de Lafayette." 

The ardor of Lafayette was by no means diminished, 
by his intercourse with t'-.e army, and he was anxious for 
an active command. Gen. Washington was thereby much 
embarrassed. He wrote to Mr. Harrison, a member from 
Virginia, (19th August, 1777,) for the views of Congress on 
the subject. " If I did not (he says) misunderstand what 
you or some other member of Congress said to me, respect- 
ing the appointment of the Marquis de Lafayette, he has 
misconceived the design of his appointment, or Congress 
did not understand the extent of his views; for certain it is, 
that I understood him, that he does not conceive his commis- 
sion is merely honorary, but given with a view to command 
a division of the army. It is true, he has said, that he i.s 
young and inexperienced, but at the same time has always 
accompanied it with a hint, that so soon as I shall think 
him fit for the command of a division, he shall be ready to 
enter upon the duties of it, and in the mean time has offer- 
ed his services for a smaller command." The marquis had 
also applied to Gen. Washington for commissions for his 
two aids-de-camp. " This difficulty, (says the general,) 
with the numberless applications foj employment by for- 
eigners, under their respective appointments, adds no small 
embarrassment to a command, which, without it, is abun- 
dantly perplexed by the different tempers I have to do with, 
and different modes which the respective states have pur- 
sued in nominating and arranging their officers ; the combi- 
nation of all which, is but a too just representation of a great 
chaos, from whence we are endeavoring, how successfully 
time only can show, to draw some regularity and order." 

Mr. Harrison replied to him, that Congress considered 
the appointment of the Marquis de Lafayette as honorary 
only, unaccompanied with any pledge, and that Gen. Wash- 
ington was not bound by the tenor of his commission to give 
him a command, but was at liberty to follow his own judg- 
ment in this respect. But the progress of events soon dis- 
sipated these embarrassments ; opened the way of promo- 
tion, to Lafayette, and proved him as willing to obey, and 
as able as he was ready to command, in the cause of liberty* 



44 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



CHAPTER V. 

The Crisis. Sufferings of the army. Events and movements. Arri- 
val of the enemy's fleet. March of the army. Battle of Brandy- 
wine. Lafayefte wounded. His account of the battle. Is con- 
veyed to Bethlehem. Employment there. Domestic Correspond- 
ence. Zeal, correspondence, and projects, in behalf of America. — 
Movements of the armies. Battle of Germantown. Minor opera- 
tions. Red Bank. Death of Count Donop. Fort Mifflin. Major 
Fieury, 

It was a crisis truly trying to the Commander-in-chief, 
and critical for the American cause. In a letter to hiy- 
brother, dated at Germantown, 5th August, 1777, General 
Washinoton said : " Since Gen. Howe removed from the 
Jerseys, the troops under my command have been more 
harrassed by marching and countermarching, than by any 
other thing that has happened to them in the course of tlie 
campaign. After he had embarked his troops, the presump- 
tion that he would operate upon the North River, to form a 
junction with General Burgoyne, was so strong, that I re- 
moved from Middlebrook to Morristov/n, and from Morris- 
town to the Clove, a narrow passage leading through the 
Highlands, about eighteen miles from the river, indeed, 
upon some pretty strong presumptive evidence, I threw two 
battalions over the North River. In this situation we lay 
till about the 24th ultimo, when receiving certain informa- 
tion, that the fleet had actually sailed from Sandy Hook, 
and upon the concurring sentiments of every one, though I 
acknowledge ray doubts of it were very strong, that Phila- 
delphia was the object, we countermarched and got to Co. 
ryell's ferry on the Delaware, about thirty-three miles above 
the city, on the 27th, where I lay until I received informa- 
tion from Congress, that the enemy were actually at the 
Capes of the Delaware. This brouglit us in great haste to 
this place for the defence of the city. But in less than 
twenty-four hours after our arrival, we got accounts of the 
disappearance of the fleet on the 31st; since which, noth- 
ing having been heard "of them, we have remained here in a 



LIFE OF LAFAYETl-E. 45 

very irksome state of suspense ; some imagining that 
they are gone southward, whilst a majority, in whose opin- 
ion upon this occasion I concur, are satisfied that they are 
gone to the eastward. The fatigue, however, and injury 
which men must sustain by long marches in such extreme 
heat, as we have felt for the last five days, must keep us 
quiet till we hear something of the destination of the en- 
emy." 

In the mean time, at the north, Ticonderoga and Mount 
Independence had surrendered to the enemy ; Fort Schuy- 
ler was invested, and the army of Burgoyne, was marching 
in its arrogant and hitherto victorious career, to meet its 
destiny upon the memorable plains of Saratoga. While 
upon the march with the army to recross the Delaware, on 
the 10th of August, Gen. Washington was informed by ex- 
press, that the enemy's fleet had been seen on the 7th, off 
Sinepuxent Inlet, aboiit sixteen leagues to the southward of 
the Capes of Delaware ; and, the army was again halted for 
further intelligence. Up to the 21st of August, no further 
accounts were heard of the enemy's fleet. It was inferred, 
that Gen. Howe had gone far to the eastward, or southward ; 
but the prevalent opinion was, that he designed to attack 
Charleston. It was therefore decided iu council of war, 
on the 21st, that as it was impracticable to march season- 
ably to the aid of Charleston, the army should move im- 
mediately to the North River, with a view of opposing 
Burgoyne, or making an attempt upon New York, as might 
be expedient. In this council of war, Lafayette, for the 
first time, took part, and attended with the rank of major- 
general. 

This decision was approved by Congress ; 1)ut the very 
next day, the 22d August, being on the point of marching, 
General Wa>hington received a letter from Presidtnt Han- 
cock, informing him that an express had that moment ar- 
rived from Maryland, with (he account that Gen. Howe's 
fleet, near two hundred sail, were at anchor in Chesapeake 
Bay. The design lo attack Philadelphia was therefore 
apparent; and the destination of the army was changed. 
Orders were immediately given for calling in the several 
detachirifnls. The whole army was put in motion ; and 
on the 24th, for the purpose of encou raiding the friends of 
liberty and influencing th-^ disaffected, Washington march- 



46 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

ed his army through the streets of Philadelphia. " Their 
heads covered with orreen branches, and marching to the 
sound of drums and fifc-s, thes3 soldiers, (says Lafayette,) 
in spite of their destituiion, ofFerc:d an agreeable speciacle 
to the eyes of the citizens." 

Gen. Washington encamped at Clay Creek, a few miles 
beyond Wilmington. The Brit sh landed near the head of 
Elk River ; and the manoeuvres and dispositions of both 
armies were made for the approaching and memorable bat- 
tle of Branfly-vvine. It was in thi:^ battle that Lafayette 
sealed with his blood the covenant with the American peo- 
ple. It the hottest of the contest, he had dismounted to 
rally the troops, who were retreating in disorder, and re- 
ceived a severe wound in the leg. Unmindful of tiiis, he 
continued his exertions, until obliged to remount his horse 
by loss of blood. Nor did he cease his efforts until the 
retreat as far as Chester was accomplished. A detailed 
account of the battle of Brandyvvine, which battle General 
Washington was induced to risk, in oppos.tion to his own 
judgement, against a superior force and under many disad- 
vantages, in conformity to the expectations of the country 
and of Congress, and indeed of Europe, will be found in 
almost every book of American history and biography. It 
may, however, be interej«ting to the I'eader of th s volume, 
to see the description of it which Lafayette himself has given. 
We therefore present it as follows: 

'•' After having advanced as far as Wilmington, the general [Wash- 
ington] had detached a thousand men under Maxwell, the most ancient 
brigadier in the army. At the first march of ihe English, he was 
beaten by their advance guard near Christiana Bridge. During that 
lime the army took but an indifferent station at Newport ; they then 
removed a little south, waited two days for the enemy, and, at the 
moniemt when these were marching upon their right v^^ing, a noctur- 
nal council of war decided that the army was to proceed to the Bran- 
dywine. The stream bearing that name covered its front ; the ford 
called Chad's Ford, placed nearly in the centre, was defended by bat- 
teries It was in that hardly examined station that, in obedience to a 
letter from Congress, the Americans awaited the battle. The evening 
of the lOth of September, Howe advanced in two columns, and by a 
very fine movement, the left column (about 8000 men under Lord 
Cornwallis, with the grenadiers and guards) directed themselves to- 
wards the fords of Birmingham, three miles on our right ; the other 
column continued its road, and about nine o'clock in the morning it 
appeared on the other side of the stream. The enemy was so near the 
skirts of the wood that it was impossible to judge of his force ; some 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 4t 

time was lost in a mutual cannonading. General Washington walked 
along his two lines, and was received with acclamations which seemed 
to promise him success. The intelligence that was received of the 
movements of Cornwallis was both confused and contradictorj'- ; ow- 
ing to the conformity of name betwixt two roads that were of equal 
length and parallel to each other, the best officers were mistaken in 
iheir reports. The only musket shots that had been fired were from 
Maxwell, who killed several of the enemy, but v/as driven back upon 
the left of the American army, across a ford by which he had before 
advanced. Three thousand militia had been added to the army, but 
they were placed in the I'ear to guard some still more distant militia, 
and took no part themselves in the action. Such was the situation 
of the troops when they learnt the march of Lord Cornwallis towards 
the scarcely known fords of Birmingham : they then detached three 
divisions, forming about five thousand men, under the generals Sul- 
livan, Stirling and Stephens. M. de Lafayette, as volunteer, had al- 
ways accompanied the general. The left wing remaining in a state 
of tranquility, and the right appearing fated to receive all the heavy 
blows, he obtained permission to join Sullivan. At his arrival, wh'ch 
seemed to inspirit the troops, he found that, the enemy having crossed 
the ford, the corps of Sullivan had scarcely had time to form itself on 
a line in front of a thinly wooded forest. A few moments after. Lord 
Cornwallis formed in the fi_nest order : advancing across the plain^ ^ 
his first line opened a brisk fire of musketry and artillery ; the Ameri- 
cans returned the fire, and did much injury to the enemy ; but their 
right and left wings having given way, the generals and several officers 
joined the central division, in which were M. de Lafayette and Stir- 
ling, and of which eight hundred men were commanded in a most 
brilliant manner by Conway, an Irishman in the service of France. 
By separating that division from its two wings, and advancing through 
an open pluin, in which they lost many men, the enemy united all his 
fire upon the centre ; the confusion became extreme ; and it was 
whilst M. de Lafayette was rallying the troops that a ball passed 
through his leg ; at that moment all those remaining on the field gave 
way. M. de Lafayette was indebted to Gimat, his aid-de-camp, for 
the happiness of getting upon his horse. General Washington arrived 
from a distance with fi-esh troops ; M. de Lafayette was preparing to 
join him, v/hen loss of blood obliged him to stop and have his wound 
bandaged ; he was even very near being taken. Fagatives, cannon, 
and baggage, now crowded without order into the road leading to 
Chester. The general employed the remaining daylight in checking 
the enemy : some regiments behaved extremely well, but the disorder 
was complete. During that time the ford of Chad was forced, the 
cannon taken, and the Chester road became the common retreat of 
the whole army. In the midst of that dreadful confusion, and during 
the darkness of the night, it was impossible to recover: but at Ches- 
ter, twelve miles from the field of battle, they met with a bridge 
which it was necessary to cross; M. de Lafayette occupied himselt 
in arresting the fugitives ; some degree of order was re-established ; 
the generals and the Commander-in-chief arrived ; and he had leisure 
to have his wound dressed. 



48 LIFE OF tAFAtETTl. 

" It was thus, at twenty-six miles from Philadelphia, that the fate of 
that town was decided, (11th September, 1777.) The inhabitants had 
heard every cannon that was fired there ; the two parties, assembled 
in two distinct bands in all the squares and public places, had await- 
ed the event in silence. The last courier at length arrived, and the 
friends of liberty were thrown into consternation. The Americans 
had lost from 1000 to 1200 men. Howe's army was composed of 
about 12,000 men ; their losses had been so considerable that their 
surgeons, and those in the country, were found insufficient, and they 
requested the American army to supply them with some for theif 
prisoners." 

The mornln,-^ after the battle, Lafayette was conveyed 
by water to Philadelphia, where he received the greatest 
sympathy and attention. Many of the inhabitants how- 
ever, abandoned the city and their possessions the same day. 
Congress repaired precipitately to Bristol, and thence to 
York, beyond the Susquehanna, where they remained eight 
months, until Philadelphia was evacuated by the British 
drmy. To Bristol Lafayette was taken by water ; thence, 
he was conveyed by Mr. Laurens, President of Congress, 
in his carriage to Bethlehem, and left in ihe care of the 
Moravian Society, " where (he says) the mild religion of 
t!ie brotherhood, the community of fortune, education, and 
interests, formed a striking contrast to scenes of blood, and 
the co!ivuIsions occasioned by a civil war." 

In this quiet and romantic retreat, Lafayette was de- 
tained, and for the most time confined to his bed for about 
six weeks, suffering less from his wound than from an inac- 
tivity hostile to his nature, and impatience to rejoin the 
army. He employed himself, however, in correspondence, 
and in forming plans to aid the cause of America. In the 
letters to Madame Lafayette, bespoke playfully of the inju- 
ry he had received, shov/ing that he regarded his wound as 
a badge of honor, rather than, a misfortune to be regretted ; 
minglino: with the tributes of affection, so honorable to him 
as a man, a husband and a father, the details of intelligence, 
and the proofs of his devotion to the glorious cause which 
he had espoused. The day after the battle, (September 
12,) from Philadelphia, he wrote : 

" I must begin by telling you that I am perfectly well, because I must 
end by telling you that we fought seriously last night, and that we 
were not the strongest on the field of battle. Our Americans, after 
having stood iheir ground for some time, ended at length by being 
routed ; whilst endeavoring to rally them, the English honored me 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 4# 

with a musket ball, which slightly wounded me in the leg, — but it is 
■51 trifle, my dearest love ; the ball touched neither bone nor nerve, and 
I have escaped with the obligation of lying on my back for some time, 
which puts me much out of humor. I hope that you will feel no 
aa^iety ; tiiis event ought, on the contrary, rather to reassure you, since 
I am incapacitated from appearing on the field for some lime. I have 
resolved to take great care of myself; be convinced of this, my love. 
This affair, will, I fear, be attended with bad consequences for Amer- 
ica. We will endeavor, if possible, to repair the evil. You must 
have received many letters from me, unless the English be equally 
ill-disposed towards my epistles as towards my legs. I have not yet 
received one letter, and I am most impatient to hear from you. Adieu ; 
I am forbidden to write longer." 

Under date of October 1st., 1777, hg says : 

" I wrote to you, my dearest love, the 12th of September ; the twelfth 
was the day after the eleventh, and I have a little tale to relate to you 
concerning that eleventh day. To render my action more ineritori- 
ous, I might tell you that prudent reflections induced me to remain 
for some weeks in bed, safe^ sheltered from all danger ; but I must 
acknowledge that I was encouraged to take th.s measure by a slight 
wound, which I met with I knovi^ not how, for I did not, in truth, ex- 
pose myself to peril. It was the first conflict at which I had been present, 
(SO you see how very rare engagements are. It will be the last of this 
campaign, or, in all probability, at least, the last great battle ; and if 
anything should occur, you see that I could not myself be present. 

^' My first occupation was to write to you the day after that affair; 
I told you that it was a mere trifle, and I was right ; all I fear is that 
you should not have received my letter. As general Howe is giving, 
in the meantime, rather pompous details of his American exploits to 
the king his master, if he should write word that I am wounded, he 
may also write word that I am killed, which would not cost him any- 
thing ; but I hope that m^y friends, and you especially, will not give 
faith to the reports of those persons who last year dared to publish 
that General Washington, and all the general officers of his army, 
being in a boat together, had been upset, and every individual drowned. 
But let us speak about the wound : it is only a flesh-wound, and has 
neither touched bone nor nerve. The surgeons are astonished at the 
rapidity v/ith which it heals ; they are in an ecstacy of joy each time 
they dress it, and pretend it is the finest thing in the world: for my 
part I think it most disagreeable, painful, and wearisome ; but tastea 
"often differ : if a man, however, wished to be wounded for his amuse- 
ment only, he should come and examine hov/ I have been struck, that 
he might be struck precisely in the same manner. This, my dearest 
iovci is what I viompously style my wound, to give myself airs, and 
render myself interesting. 

" I must now give you your lesson, as wife of an American general 
officer. They will say to you, ' They have been beaten :' you must 
answer, — ' That is true ; but when two armies of equal number meet 
in the field, old soldiers have naturally the advantage over new ones ; 
(hey have, besides, had the pleasure of kiUing a great many of the 

5 



§0 LI]?E OF LAFAYEtTfi. 

enemy, many more than they have lost.' They will afterwards add : 
" ' All that is very well ; but Philadelphia is taken, the capital of Amer- 
ica, the rampart of liberty !' You must politely answer, ' You are all 
great fools ! Philadelphia is a poor forlorn town, exposed on every side, 
whose harbor was already closed ; though the residence of Congress lent 
it, I know not why, some degree of celebrity. This is the famous city 
which, be it added, we will, sooner or later, make them yield back to 
tis.' If they continue to persecute you with questions, you may send 
them about their business in terms which the Viscount de NoQilles will 
teach you, for I cannot lose time by talking to you of politics. 

**Be perfectly at ease about my wound ; all the faculty in America 
are engaged in my service. I have a friend, who has spoken to them 
in such a manner that I am certain of being well attended to ; that 
friend is General Washington. This excellent man, whose talents 
and virtues I admired, and whom I have learnt to revere as I know 
him better, has now become my intimate friend : his affectionate in- 
terest in me instantly won my heart. I am established in his house, 
and we live together like two attached brothers, with mutual confi- 
dence and cordiality. This friendship renders me as happy as I can 
possibly be in this country. When he sent his best surgeon to me, 
he told him to take charge of me as if I were his son, because he loved 
me with the same affection. Having heard that I wished to rejoin 
the army too soon, he wrote me a letter full of tenderness, in which he 
requested me to attend to the perfect restoration of my health. I 
give you these details, my dearest love, that you may feel quite certain 
of the care that is taken of me. Amongst the French officers, who 
have all expressed the warmest interest for me, M. de Gimat, my 
aid-de-camp, has followed me about like my shadow, both before and 
since the battle, and has given me every possible proof of attachment. 
You may thus feel quite secure on this account, both for the present 
and for the future. 

" I am at present in the solitude of Bethlehem, which the Abbe Ray* 
nal has described so minutely. This establishment is a very interest- 
ing one ; the fraternity lead an agreeable and very tranquil life ; we 
will talk over all this on my return ; and I intend to weary those I 
iove, yourself, of course, in the first place, by the relation of my ad- 
ventures, for you know that I was always a great prattler. 

" You must become a prattler also, my love, and say many things 
for me to Henriette — my poor little Henriette ! embrace her a thousand 
times — talk of me to her, but do not tell her all I deserve to suffer ; 
my punishment will be, not to be recognized by her on my arrival ; 
that is the penance Henriette will impose on me." 

From Bethlehem, also, Lafayette wrote to the Governor 
of the Windward islands, M. de Bouille, and proposed to 
him to make a descent upon the English West India islands, 
imder American colors. That general approved of the 
project, and forwarded the proposition to the French court, 
but it was not accepted. He also wrote to Count de Mau- 
repas, proposing a more important enterprise, in which he 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 51 

would assist with some American forces, an attack upon the 
English factories in the Isle of France. The French min- 
ister, from motives consistent with the neutral pretext of his 
government at that time, did not adopt the projf^et; but 
spoke publicly in pra'se of it, and expressed, evnr after, a 
great partiality for Lnfnyette. "He will end one day," 
said h€, smiling, " by unfurnishing the palace of Versaiilea 
to serve the American cause ; for when he has taken any 
thing into his head, it is impossible to resist him." 

The day after the battle of Brandywine, Gen. Wash- 
ington, having rallied his forces at Chester, retired in good 
order and encamped near Germantown. Undismayed by 
the result of the recent engagement, he, on the 17th Sep- 
tember, recrossed the Schuylkill, " wi'h the firm intent (he 
says, in a letter to the President of Congress, dated near 
Pottsgrove, Sept. 25th,) of giving the eneiny battle, where- 
ever I shall meet them ; and accordingly (to continue his 
own account) I advanced as far as the Warren Tavern upon 
the Lancaster road, near which place the two armies were 
on the point of coming to a general engagement, but were 
prevented by a most violent flood of rain, which continued 
all the day and the following night." The ammunition 
of the Americans was completely ruined, and before it 
could be replenished the enemy marched from their position 
and crossed the river. 

After taking possession of Philadelphia, Gen. Howe en- 
camped with the larger part of his army, at Germantown. 
A detachment of it was stationed on the left bank of the 
Delaware in New Jersey. The British forces being thus 
divided, Gen. Washington firmed the plan of attiicking 
Howe by surprise. The American army was at Siiipping 
Creek, about fourteen miles from the Briiish encampment. 
Washington marched on the 3d of October, and on the 
morning of the 4th, commenced the atiack which is known 
in history as the battle of Germantown. At first the at- 
tack was successful ; " and had it not been for a thick fog 
(says Washingion) which rendered it so dark at times, 
that we were not able to distinguish friend from foe at the 
distance of thirty yards, we should, I believe, have made a 
decisive and glorious day of it. But Providence designed 
it otherwise ; for, after we had driven the enemy a mile or 
two, afier they were in the utmost confusion, and flying be- 



52 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

fore us in most places, after we were upon the point, as it 
appeared to every body, of grasping a complete victory, our 
own troops took fright, and fled with precipitation and dis- 
order. How to accijurst for this I know not ; unless, as I 
before observed, the fog represented their own friends to 
them for a reinforcement of the enemy, as we attacked in 
different quarters at the same time, and were about closing 
the wings of o;ir army when this happened." 

But the following circumstance is now generally believed 
to have contributed greatly to this disastrous turn of aiFrdrs ; 
Six companies of the 40th British regiment, commanded 
by Colonel Mus^rove, had taken possession of Chew's house, 
a strong stone building, and baffled every tfforl to dislodge 
them, and retarded for some time the advance of the second 
line of the Americans, designed to support the centre, "and 
during this delay, (says Mr. Sparks,) Sullivan's division, 
which had been closely engaged in front, having mostly 
expended their ammunition, began to retreat, and falling 
back on the American line, threw it into disorder." 

Gen. Washington regarded the result of this battle rather 
as " unfortunate than injurious.'^ The loss of men was not 
great, although several valuable officers fell in the engage- 
mer-t. ■'i he enemy gained frothing, and the courage and 
ardor of the American army were increased. Soon after, 
Washinoton established himself at the celebrated encamp- 
ment of Whitemarsh, fourteen miles from Piiiladelphia. The 
surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga, was a joyous event to 
the armies and the friends of Liberty. Minor operations 
along the Delaware, about the same time, were interesting. 
The fort at Red Bank, (Fort Mercer,) defended by Colonel 
Greene, was attacked by sixteen hundred Hessians, under 
Count Donop. They were repulsed with great slaughter, 
Count Donop was wounded and taken prisoner, and soon 
after died, exclaiming to Monsieur Duph ssis, a French offi- 
cer who attended him : " This is finishing a noble career 
early. I die a victim of my own amhition, and the avarice 
of my sovereign,'' Fort Mifflin, attacked bv land and wa- 
ter, was bravely defended. Two or three of the enemy's 
vessels were destroyed. But on the night of the 15th of 
Is' ov ember, the fort was evacuated, " after a defence (says 
Washington) which does credit to the American arms, and 
'^V'ill ever reflect the highest honor upon the officers and 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 5S 

men of the garrison." In this defence, Major Fleury, a 
French officer, the friend of Lafayette, greatly distino-uish- 
ed himself and was wounded. He was promoted to the 
rank of Lieut. Colonel. Fort Mercer was also evacuated 
on the 20th of November, on the approach of Lord Corn, 
wallis, who had crossed the river from Chester with a de- 
tachment supposed to be about two thousand men, and 
formed a junction with troops lately arrived from New York, 
and some that had been landed before at Billingsport. 



CHAPTER VL 

Lefayette returns to head-quarters. Domestic anxiety and corres- 
pondence. Difficulty of communication with France. Situation 
and feelings. Desire for a command. Gen. Washington's letter on 
the subject. Success merited and won. Battle (f Gloucester. De- 
cision of Congress. Lafayette's character appreciated. Letter of 
Patrick Henry. The army in winter quarters. Its great sufferings 
at Whitenaarsh and Valley Forge. Lafayette the soldier's friend. — 
His zeal and humanity. His habits. Solicits the alliance of France. 
Advocates the American cause and character. Letter to the Duke 
D'Ayen. 

While the most important of these events were occur, 
ring, Lafayette remained at Bethlehem. But, unable to re- 
strain his desire for employment, he repaired before his 
wound had healed, to head-quarters, at Whitemarsh, as ap- 
pears from the date of his letters, about the 20th of October. 
He experienced much anxiety at this time, of a domestic 
nature, being almost totally deprived of intelligence from 
his friends and family in France. In a letter to Madame 
Lafayette, dated October 29th, 1777, he says : " I have no 
resource left me, my love, but to Write and write again, with- 
out even hoping that my letters will ever reach you. Al- 
luding to a domestic event, about which he felt natural 
solicitude : ''I shall find (he writes) my poor little Henri, 
ette very amusing on my return. I hope she will deliver a 
long sermon of reprof, and that she will speak to me with 
all the frankness of friendship. ***** Embrace 
her, my love — may I say embrace them .?— for me ! But I 
will not dwell upon all I suffer from this painful uncer^ 

tainty." 

5* 



54 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

In a letter dated November 6th, to Madame Lafayette^ 
he illustrates the difficulty of communicating with Europe 
at that period : 

*' See what a circuit my letter must make. An officer in the army- 
will carry it to Fort Pitt, three hundred miles in the interior of the 
continent ; it will then embark on the great Ohio river, and traverse 
regions inhabited only by savages ; having reached New Orleans, a 
small vessel will transport it to the Spanish islands ; a ship of that 
nation — God knows when ! — will carry it with heron her return to 
Europe. But it will even then be very distant from you ; and it ia 
only after having been soiled by the dirty h;inds of all the Spanish post- 
masters that it will be allowed to pass the Pyrenees. It may very 
possibly be unsealed and resealed five or six times before it be finally 
placed in your hands ; but il will prove to you that I neglect no op- 
portunity, not even \he most indirect one, of sending you news of 
myself." ******** 

" One letter, one letter only, have I yet received from you, my love ; 
the others have been lost or taken, and are probably at the bottom of 
the sea." 

After giving an account of military events, he thus speaks 
of his then present situation and feelings: 

*' You are now quite as well informed on the subject as if you were 
general -in-chief of either army. I need only add, at this moment, 
that the wound of the 11th ol September, of which I have spoken to 
you a thousand times, is almost completely healed, although I am 
ijtill a little lame, but that in a few days there will scarcely remain 
any traces of this accident. * * * * * 

"A little gentleman, in a blue coat, with lemon-colored facings 
end a white waistcoat, a German, coming hither to solicit employ- 
ment, (which he will not obtain,) and speaking wretched French, told 
me that he quitted Europe in the month of August : he talked to me 
of pohtics and of the ministry ; he upset all Europe generally, and 
every court individually: but he knew not a word of what was most 
interesting to my heart. 1 examined him in every way ; I mentioned 
fifty names to him; his answer was always, 'Me not km w them 
noblemen.' 

" I will not weary you with a long account of the state of my finan- 
ces. The accident which occurred to my vessel was a source of 
vexation to me, because that vessel would have been useful to me 
in the present settlement of my afTairs ; but it is no longer in being, 
and I should reproach myself with having sent it back, had I not 
been obliged to make its return a clause in my engagements, on ac- 
count of my minority. Every thing here is incredibly dear. We 
feel the consolation of the malevolent in thinking that the scarcity is 
still greater in Philadelphia. In time of war, we become reconciled 
to all we may ourselves endure by making our enemies suffer ten 
times more. We have here an abundance of provisions, and we learn 
with pleasure that our English neighbors are not so fortunate. 

" Do not think at present of being uneasy on my account ; all the 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 55 

hard blows are over, and there canijie, at mo3t, but some little minia- 
ture strokes, which cannot concern me; I am not less secure in this 
camp than I should be were I in the centre of Paris. If every possi- 
ble advantage to be obta ned by serving here ; if the friendship of the 
army in gross and in detail ; if a tender union with the most respectable 
and admirable of men, General Washington, sustnined by mutual 
confidence ; if the affections of those Americans by whom I wish to be 
beloved ; if all this were sufficient to constitute my happiness, I should 
indeed have nothing to desire." 

But Gen. Lafayette, although thus satisfied wiih his per- 
sonal position, and ready and willing to serve in any capa- 
city, was still desirous of a com nand correspond ng with 
the grade of his commission. Gen. Wa!«hing!on, in a let- 
ter to the President of Conoress, November 1st, thus presses 
the subject upon the consideration of that body : 

"I would take the liberty to mention, that I feel myself in a deli- 
cate situation with respect to the Marquis de Lafayette. He is 
extremely solicitous of having a command equal to his rank, and 
professes very different ideas, as to the purposes of his appointment, 
from those Congress have mentioned to me. He certainly did not 
understand them. I do not know in what light they will view the 
matter ; but it apnears to me, from a consideration of his illustrious 
and important connexions, the attachment which he has manifested 
for our cause, and the consequences which his return in disgust might 
produce, that it will be advisable to gratify him in tiis wishes ; and 
the more so, as several gentlemen from France, who came over under 
some assurances, have gone back disappointed in their expectations. 
His conduct, with respect to them, stands in a favorable point of 
view, he having interested himself to remove their uneasiness, and 
urged the impropriety of their making any unfavorable representations 
upon their arrival at home ; and in all his letters he has placed our 
affairs in the best situation he could. Besides he is sensible, discreet 
in his manners, has made great proficiency in our language, and, from 
the disposition he discovered at the battle of Brandy wine, possesses a 
large share of bravery and military ardor." 

On the 26th of November, the Coinmander-in-cliief had 
an opportunity of again urging the deci-ion of Congress 
on this point, under circumstances sfill more impressive, — 
circumstances which were calculated not only to " deserve," 
but to " command" success. 

" I must take (he writes) the liberty to request the decision of Con- 
gress on the case of the nine first raised Virginia regiments, as early 
as circumstances will permit. ******* 
I should also be happy in their determination respecting the Marquis 
de Lafayette. He is more and more solicitous to be in actual serv'icc, 
and is pressing in his applications for a command. I ventured befora 
to submit my sentitTients upon the measure, and I still fear a refusal 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



will not only induce him to retur^ in disgust, but may involve some 
unfavorable consequences. There are now some vacant divisions 
in the army, to one of which he may be appointed, if it should be the 
pleasure of Congress. I am convinced he possesses a large share of 
that military ardor, which generally characterizes the nobility of his 
country. He went to Jersey with General Greene, and I find he has 
not been inactive there. This you will perceive by the following ex- 
tract from a letter just received from General Greene. 

" • The Marquis, with about four hundred militia and the rifle corps, 
attacked the enemy's picket last evening, killed about twenty, wound- 
ed many more, and took about twenty prisoners. The Marquis is 
charmed with the spirited behavior of the militia and rifle corps ; 
they drove the enemy about half a mile, and kept the ground until 
dark. The enemy's picket consisted of about three hundred, and 
were reinforced during the skirm'sh. The Marquis is determined to 
be in the way of danger.' " 




BATTLE OF GLOUCESTER 



The affair here referred to, was the battle of Gloucester, 
in which were exhibited the fir.st indications of a general- 
ship that was never tarnished by a military blunder. We 
have mentioned, that Lord Cornwallis, with a detachment, 
(variously stated from two thousand to five thousand men.) 
had crossed the Delaware into New Jersey, and compelled 
the Americans to evacuate Fort Mercer, at Red Bank, 
on the night of the 20th of November. General Greene 
was ordered by Gen. Washington with a detachment into 
New Jersey, to operate against Cornwallis. Lafayette, 
although his wound was not yet sufficiently healed to per- 
mit him to wear a boot, accompanied the expedition as a 
volunteer. At his own request, he was permitted by Gen. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 57 

Greene to reconnoitre Cornwallis, and make an attack,, if 
circuQistances ju^t tied. He discovered the enemy at Glou- 
cester, oppos trt Philadelj^hia, about to cross over with the 
booty they had collected. The better to ascertain ti.eir po- 
sition, he advanced upon a sandy point, near the mouth of a 
creek which empties into the Delaware at Gloucester. He 
was discovered by the enemy, and a detachment of dra- 
goons was sentoffto intercept him. The fear and confusion 
of his guide nearly occasioned his falling into the hands of 
the enemy. But eludmg the dragoons by a back path, about 
two miles from the English c&mp, he came suddenly upon 
an outpost of four hundred Hessians with their cannon. 
Having only three hundred nnd fifty men, most of them 
miliiia, he immediately attacked the enemy, and the follow- 
ing is an account of the engagement, in a letter to General 
Washington, dated H;iddenfield, 26tli November, 1777 : 

" After having spent the most part of the day to make myself well 
acquainted v/itli the certainty of their motions, I came pretty late into 
the Gloucester road, between the two creeks. I had ten light horse with 
Mr. Lindsey, almost a hundred and fifty riflemen, under Colonel But- 
ler, and two pickets of the militia, commanded by Colonels Ilite 
and Ellis : my whole body was not three hundred. Colonel Armand, 
Colonel Laumoy, the chevaliers Duplcssis and Gimat, were the French- 
men who went with me. A scout of my men, with whom was Mr. 
Duplessis, to see how near were the first pickets from Gloucester, 
found at two males and a half of it a strong post of three hundred and 
fifty Hessians with field pieces (what number I did know, by the 
unanimous deposition of their prisoners,) and engaged immediately. 
As my little reconnoitering party were all in fine spirits, I supported 
them. We pushed the Hessians more than an half mile from the place 
where was their main body, and we made them rim very fast: Brit- 
ish reinforcements came twice to them, but very far from recovering 
their ground, they went always back. The darkness of the night 
prevented us then to push that advantage, and, after standing upon 
the ground we had got, 1 ordered them to return very slow to Haddon- 
field. The enemy, knowing perhaps by our drums that we were not 
so near, came again lo fire at us: but the brave Major Morris, with a 
part of his riflemen, sent them back, and pushed them very fast. I 
understand that they have had between twenty-five and thirty wound- 
ed, at least that number killed, among v/hom I am certain, is an offi- 
cer ; some say more, and the prisoneis told me they have lost the 
commandant of that body ; we got yet this day fourteen prisoners. I 
sent you the most moderate account I had from themselves. We left 
one single man killed, a lieutenant of militia, and only five of ours 
were wounded. Such is the account of our little entertainment, which 
is indeed much too long for the matter, but I take the greatest pleasure 
to let you know that the conduct of our soldiers is above all praises ; 



58 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

I never saw men so merry, so spirited, so desirous to go on to the 
enemy whatever forces they could have, as that small party was in 
this little fight. I found the riflemen above even their reputation, 
and the militia above all expectations I could have ; I returned to 
them my very sincere thanks this morning. - I wish that this little 
success of ours may please you, though a very trifling one, I find it 
very interesting on account of the behavior of our soldiers.' * * * 

" I must tell, too, that the riflemen had been the whole day running 
before my horse, without eating or taking any rest. 

" 1 have just now a certain assurance that two British officers, be- 
sides those I spoke you of, have died this morning of their wounds in 
an house ; this, and some other circumstances, let me believe that 
their lost may be greater than I told to your excellency." 

The decision of Congress in reference to assigning a 
command to Lafayette, was quickened by the intelligence 
of this action. The same day on which Gen. Washington's 
letter (last quoted) was received, they resolved, " that it 
would be highly agreeable to Congress for him to appoint 
the Marquis de Lafayette to the command of a division in 
the Coniinontal army." Following promptly this expres- 
sion, the Commander-in-chief, three days thereafter, ap- 
pointed Gen. Lafayette to command the division of Vir- 
ginia troops, recently commanded by Gen. Stephens. The 
character of Lafayette began to be well appreciated in 
America. The celebrated Patrick Henry, then governor of 
Virginia, in a letter to Gen. Washington, said : " I take 
the liberty of enclosing to you tuo letters from France to 
the Marquis de Lafayette. One of them is from his lady, I 
believe. I beg to be presented to him in the most accepta- 
ble manner. I greatly revere his person and amiable char- 
acter.'' 

The military operations of the year 1777, were drawing 
to a close. General Flowe, having been reinforced by sev- 
eral regiments from New York, sought to bring on a gen- 
eral engagement. On the 4th of Dicember, he left Piiila- 
delphia, v/ith twelve thousand men, and the next morning 
took post at Chestnut IJill, abouf three miles to the right 
of the American encampment at Whitemarsh. The same 
night, they changed their ground, and moved to the left 
within a mile of the American line. Gen. Wasbinston de- 
termined not to give the enemy any advantage, and to 
await in this position, their threatened attack. But he 
sent out light troops, which annoyed the enemy ; and in 
these skirmishes Lafayette was engaged. Unable to gain 



tiFE OF LAFAYETTE. 6d 

any advantage by his manoeuvres, Gen. Howe, on the 8th 
retreated with his whole force to Philadelphia. On the 
11th, Gen. Washington, broke up his encampment at 
Whitemarsh, crossed (he Schuylkill, and established his 
army, on the 20th December, in its M'inter quarters at 
Valley Forj^e, about twenty miles from Philadelphia. 

The condition of the American army was at^this time 
most deplorable. According to one historian the soldiers 
might be traced on their march from Whitemarsh to Valley 
Forge, by the blood of their feet, over the frozen ground ! 
Gen. Washington himself stated, that out of a force of about 
eight thousand men, no less than two thousand eight hun- 
dred and ninety-eight men, then in camp, were unfit for 
duty, because they were barefoot and otherwise naked ; and 
that for want of blankets, numbers were obliged " to sit up 
all night by fires, instead ot taking comfortable rest in a 
natural and comfortable way." The situation of the army 
at that time is thus described by Lafayette : 

" The unfortunate soldiers were in want of everything ; they had 
neither coats, hats, shirts nor shoes ; their feet and legs froze till they 
became black, and it was often necessary to amputate them. From 
want of money, they could neither obtain provisions nor any means 
of transport ; the Colonels were often reduced to two rations, and 
sometimes even to one. The army frequently remained whole days 
without provisions, and the patient endurance of both soldiers and 
officers was a miracle which each moment served to renew. But the 
sight of their misery prevented new engagements ; it was almost im- 
possible to levy recruits ; it was easy to desert into the interior of the 
country. The sacred fire of liberty was not extinguished, it is true, 
and the majority of the citizens detested British tyranny : but the 
triumph of the north, and the tranquility of the south, had lulled to 
sleep two-lhirds of the continent." 

In this trying crisis, Lafayette exhibited the utmost hu- 
manity, zeal and discretion. He was truly the soldier's 
friend, sympathizing with them, and endeavoring to alle- 
viate their sufferings. In his intimate and friendly inter- 
course with the Commander-in-chief and his brother ofli- 
cers, he encouraged them by his example and unwavering 
spirit of devotion to the cause of the country, under their 
many and severe trials. " He adopted in every respect (he 
states,) the American dress, habits and food. He wished 
to be more simple, frugal, and austere, than the Americans 
themselves. Brought up in the lap of luxury, he suddenly 



60 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

chano^ed his whole manner of livinor, and his constitution 
bent itself to privations as well as to rati^iue." 

Lafayette was solicitous that the French government 
should acknowledge the independence of America, and aid 
it in the contest. His letters to his friends in France, and 
to the French ministers, were calculated and essen'.ially 
contributed to hasten thit result. He wrote to them in the 
most ardent and glowing terms, and with the pen of truth, 
of the Americim cause and character. The follow! nir ex- 
tracts are taken from an interesting letter to the Duke 
D'Ayen, dated December 16th. 1777. In what page of 
history, in what docisment of the time, shall we find a more 
correct portrait, a tribute more just to the virtues of Gener- 
al Wasu^gton ? an expression of views more prophetic 
and correct, of sentiments more pure and patriotic? After 
an interesting detail of militaiy events, he says : 

" The loss of Philadelphia is far from being so important as it ia 
conceived to be ia Euroj)e. If the difference of circumstances, of 
countries, and of proportion betv/een the two armies, ^vere not duly- 
considered, the success of General Gates would appear surprising 
when compared to the events that have occurred with us, — taking 
into account the superiority of General Washington over General 
Gates. Our general is a man formed, in truth, for this revolution^ 
which could not have been accomplished without him. I see him 
more intimateljf than any other man, and I see that he is worthy of 
the adoration of his country. His tender friendship for me, and his 
complete confidence in me, relating to all military and political sub- 
jects, great as well as small, enable me to judge of all tlie interest he 
has to conciliate, and all the difficulties he has to conquer. I admire 
each day more fully the excellence of his character, and the kindness 
of his heart. Some foreigners are displeased at not having been em- 
ployed, (although it did not depend on him to employ them) — others, 
whose ambitious projects he would not serve, — and som.e intriguing, 
jealous men, have endeavored to injure his reputation ; but his name 
will be revered in every age, by all true lovers of liberty and humanity ; 
and although I may appear to be eulogising my friend, I believe that 
the part he makes me act, gives me the right of avowing publicly how 
much I admire and respect hnn. * * * 

" America is most impatiently expecting us to declare for her, and 
France will one day, I hope, determine to humble the pride of Engand. 
This hope, and the measures which America appears determined to 
pursue, give me great hopes for the glorious establishment of her in- 
dependence. We are not, I confess, so strong as I expected, but we 
are strong enough to fight ; we shall do so, I trust, with some degree 
of success ; and, with the assistance of France, we shall gain, with 
costs, the cause that I cherish, because it is the cause of justice,— 
because it honors humanity, — because it is important to my country^ 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 61 

and because my American friends, and myself are deeply engaged in 
it. Tlie approaching campaign will be an interesting one. It is said 
that the English are sending us some Ha loverians ; some time ago they 
threatened us with, what was far worse, the arrival of some Russians. 
A slight menace from France would lessen the number of these rein- 
tbrcements. The more I see of the English, the more thoroughly con- 
vinced I am, that it is necessary to speak to them in a loud tone. 

" After having wearied you with public affairs, you must not expect 
to escape without being wearied also with my private affairs. It is im- 
po.ssible to be more agreeably situated than I am in a foreign country. 
I have only fealings of pleasure to express, and I have each day more 
reason to be satisfied with the conduct of Congress towards me, although 
my military occupations have allowed me to become personally ac- 
quainted with but few of its members. Those I do know, have espe- 
cially loaded me with marks of kindness and attention. The new 
president, IVIr. Laurens, one of the most respectable men of America, 
is my particular friend. As to the army, I have had the happiness of 
obtaining the friendship of every individual ; not one opportunity is 
lost of giving me proofs of it. I passed the whole summer without ac- 
cepting a division, which you know had been my previous intention ; I 
passed all that time at Gen. Washington's house, where I felt as if I 
were with a friend of twenty years' standing. Since my return from 
Jersey, he has desired me to choose, amongst several brigades, the di- 
vision which may please me best ; biit I have chosen one entirely com- 
posed of Virginians. It is weak in point of numbers at present, just in 
proportion, however, to the weakness of the whole army, and altnost in 
a state of nakedness, but I am promised cloth, of which I shall make 
clothes, and recruits, of which soldiers must be made, about the same 
period ; but, unfortunately, the last is the most difficult task, even for 
more skilful men than me. The task I am performing here, if I had 
acquired sufficient experience to perform it well, would improve exceed- 
ingly my future knowledge. The major-general replaces the lieuten- 
ant-general and the field-marshal, in their most important functions, 
and I should have the power of employing to advant ge, both my tal- 
ents and experience, if Providence and ray extreme youth allowed me 
to boast of possessing either. I read, I study, I examine, I listen, I re- 
flect, and the result of all is the endeavor at forming an opinion, into 
which [ infuse as much common sense as possible. I will not talk 
much, for fear of saying foolish things; I will still less risk acting much, 
for fear of doing foolish things ; for I am not disposed to abuse ihe con- 
fidence which Americans have kindly placed in me. Such is the plan 
of conduct which I have followed until now, and which I shall continue 
to follow ; but when some ideas occur to me, which I believe may be- 
come useful when properly rectified, I hasten to impart them to a great 
judge, who is good enough to say that he is pleased with them. On 
the other hand, when my heart tells me that a favorable opportunity 
offers, I cannot refuse myself the pleasure of participating in the peri!, 
but I do not think that the vanity of s'lccess ought to make us risk the 
safety of an army, or of any portion of it, which may not be formed 
or calculated for the offensive. If I could make an axiom, with iHe 
certainty of not saying a foolish thing, I should venture to add that, 

6 



62 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

whatever may be our force, we must content ourselves with a 
completely delensive plan, with the exception, however, of the moment 
when v/e may be forced to action, because I think I have perceived 
that the English troops are more astonished by a brisk attack than by^a 
firm resistance. 

" This letter will be given you by the celebrated Adariis, whose 
name must undoubtedly be known to yon. As I have never allowed 
myself to quit the army, I have not been able to see him. He wished 
that 1 should give him letters of introduction to France, especially to 
yourself. May I hope that you will have the goodness of receiving 
him kindly, and even of giving him some information respectmg the 
present state of affairs. I fancied you would not be sorry to converse 
with a man whose merit is so universally acknowledged. He desires 
ardently to succeed in obtaining the es.eem of our nation. One of his 
friends himself told me so." 



CHAPTER VII. 

Dissensions, painful to Lafayette. Conway's Cabal. Lafayette re- 
mains faithful to General Washington. Correspondence between 
them. Latayette hears of the birth of a daughter. Determines to 
remain in America. Letter to Madame Lafayette. Expedition 
against Canada. Lafayette appointed to the -sommand. Rebukes 
the enemies of Washington. Journey to Albany. Difficulties en- 
countered. Letters to Gen. Washington. Lafayette's liberality. — 
Visit to the Indian tribes. Letter to Baron Steuben. Expedition 
abandoned. Approbatory resolution of Congress. Lafayette r«- 
turns to head-quarters. Conway's confession. 

The dissensions which were about this time manifested 
in Congress and in the army, gave much pain to Lafayette. 
They were not extensive, but assumed a temporary organ- 
ization under an intrigue known in history as " Conway's 
Cabal." An account of it is given by Mr. Sp;irks, in the 
appendix, Vol. V. of the Writings of Wasliington. The 
principal nuthors of the cabal, were Generals Gates, Miff- 
iin, and Conway, and its object was supposed to be, to 
produce the removal or resigna'ion of General Washing- 
ton, and ihs appointment in his stead of General Gates, 
&s C')mmander-in-chief of the Continental armies, it was 
so far successful as to indiice the appointment of Conway 
as Inspeclor-G^ne.'al of the army, contrary to the advice of 
General Washington, and the institution by Congress of a 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 63 

Board of War, to whicli large powers were grmnte ', of 
which Gates and IV1ffl;n were members, and Gates was 
made President. By acting contrary to his views, and 
wiihout consulting him, this board occasioned lo General 
Washington painful embarrassments. 

Throughout the progress and dev. lopment of his cabal, 
Lafayette n.-mained the (irm and zealous friend of Washing- 
ton, in spite of strenuo.is efforts lo ^hake his confiilence 
and fidelity. In an early stage of it, he wrote to General 
Washington, dated 30th December, 1777. 

" My dear General, — I went yesterday morning to head-quarters 
with an intention of speaking to your excelien(;y, but you were too busy, 
and I shall lay down in this letter what I wished to say. 

"I don't need to tell you that I am sorry for all ihat has happened 
for some time past, it is a necessary dependence of my most tender 
and respectful friendship for you, which atEi-ction is as true and candid 
as the other sentiments of my heart, and much stronger than so new an 
acquaintance seems to admit ; but another reason, to be concerned in 
the present circumstances, is my ardent and perhaps enthusiastic wishes 
ior the happiness and liberty of this country. I see plainly that Amer- 
ica can defend herself if proper measures are taken, and now I begin 
to fear lest she should be lost by herself and her own sons. 

" When I was in Europe I thought that here almost every man was 
a lover of liberty, and would rathei die free than iiye a siave. You 
can conceive my astonishment when 1 saw that toryism was as openly 
professed as whiggism itself; however at that time I believed that 
all good Americans were united together; that the confidence of Con- 
gress in you was unbounded. Then I entertained the certitude that 
America would be independent in case she should not lose you. Take 
away, for an instant, that modest diffidence of yourself, (wh;ch, pardon 
my freedom, my dear General, is soiuetimes too great, and I wish you 
could know, as well as myself, what difference there is between you 
and any other man,) you would see very pliinly that if you were lost 
for America, there is nobody who could keep the army and the revolu- 
tion six months. There are open dissensions in Congress, parties who 
hate one another as much as the common enemy ; stupid men, who, 
without knowing a single word about war, undertake to judge you, to 
make ridiculous comparisons ; they are infatuated with Gates, without 
thinking o[ the difterent circumstances, and believe that attacking is 
the only thing necessary to conquer. Those ideas are entertained in 
their minds by some jealous men, and perhaps secret friends to the 
British Government, who want to push you, in a moment of ill humor» 
to some rash enterprise upon the lines, or against a much stronger 
army. I should not take the liberty of mentioning these particulars tQ 
you if I did not receive a letter about this matter, from a young good- 
natured gentleman at York, whom Conway has ruined by his cunning, 
J?ad advice, but who entertains the greatest respect for you." 



64 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

He speaks of the efforts Conway had used to influence 
him, and to induce him to leave the country, and concludea 
as follows: 

" My desire of deserving your approbation is stronger than ever, 
and everywhere you w^ill employ me you can be certain of my trying 
every exertion in my power to succeed. I am now fixed to your fate, 
and I shall follow it and sustain it as well by my sword as by all 
means in ray power. You will pardon my importunity in favor of the 
sentiment which dictated it. Youth and friendship make me, per- 
haps, too warm, but I feel the greatest concern at all that has happened 
for some time since. 

" With ihe most tender and profound respect, I have the honor 
to be, &c." 

To this letter, Gen. Wasliington thus replied : 

" Head Quaiters, December 31st, 1777. 
"My dear Maequis, — Your favor of yesterday conveyed to me 
fresh proof of that friendship and attachment, which I have happily 
experienced since the first of our acquaintance, and for which I enter- 
tain sentiments of the purest affection. It will ever constitute part of 
my happiness to know that I stand well in your opinion ; because I 
am satisfied that you can have no views to answer by throwing out 
false colors, and that you possess a mind too exalted to condescend to 
low arts and intrigues to acquire a reputation. Happy, thrice happy, 
would it have been for this army and the cause we are embarked in, if 
the same generous spirit had pervaded all the actors in it. But one 
gentleman, whose name you have mentioned, had, I am confident, far 
diflferent views; his ambition and great desire of being pufi^ed off', as 
one of the first officers of the age, could only be equalled by the means 
which he used to obtain them. But finding that I was determined not 
to go beyond the line of my duty to indulge him in the first — nor to 
exceed the strictest rules of propriety to gratify him in the second — he 
became my inveterate enemy ; and he has, I am persuaded, practised 
every art, to do me an injury, even at the expense of reprobating a 
measure that did not succeed, that he himself advised to. How far he 
may have accomphlished his ends, I know not ; and except for consid- 
erations of a public nature, I care not ; for, it is well known, that nei- 
ther ambitious nor lucrative motives, led me to accept my present ap- 
pointments, in the discharge of which I have endeavored to observe one 
steady and uniform system of conduct, which I shall invariably pursue, 
while I have the honor lo command, regardless of the tongue of slan- 
der, or the powers of retraction. The fatal tendency of disunion is so 
obvious, that I have, in earnest terms, exhorted such officers as have 
expressed their dissatisfaction at General Conway's promotion, to be 
cool and dispassionate in their decision about the matter ; and I have 
hopes that they will not suffer any hasty determination lo injure the 
service. At the same time, it must be acknowledged, that officers' 
feelings upon these occasions are not to be restrained, although you 
may control their actions. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 65 

[ '" The other observations contained in your letter have too much tniA 
in them ; and, it is much to be lamented, that things are not now as 
they formerly were. But we must not, in so great a contest, expect to 
meet nothmg but sunshine. I have no doubt that everything happens 
for the best, that we shall triumph over all our misfortunes, and, in the 
end, be happy: when, my dear Marquis, if you will give me your com- 
pcny in Virginia, we will laugh at our past difficulties and the folly ot 
others ; and I will endeavor, by every civility in my power, to show you 
how much, and how sincerely, I am your alfectionate and obedient 
servant." 

This answer gave great satisfaction to Lafayette. In 
reply, he said : 

*' Every assurance and proof of your affection fills my heart with joy, 
because that sentiment of yours is extremely dear and precious to me. 
A tender and affectionate attachment for you, and an invariable frank- 
ness, will be k>\xnd in my mind as you know me better ; but after those 
merits, I must tell you, that very few others are to be found. I never 
wished so heartily to be intrusted by nature with an iminensity of tal- 
ents as on this occasion ; I could then be of some use to your glory 
end happiness, as well as to my own. 

The discretion and popularity of Washington were proof 
against this cabal. It came to an end in the spring of 
1778. Conway, its principal instrument, resigned his sta- 
tion in the army, and left the country in disgrace, after 
making a written acknowledgement to Gen. Washington, 
for the unjust part he had taken in the transaction. 

The solicitude of Lafayette, as a husband and a father, 
was about this time relieved by intelli;jence of the birth of 
a daughter, his second child. It was natural, however, that 
under these circumstances, his thoughts should be directed 
tovvnrds home, and that his presence there should be desired 
and expected. But he determined to remain; and thus 
justified his noble and patriotic determination, in a letter to, 
Madame de Lafayette, dated — 

" Camp, near Valley Forge, January 6th, 1778. 

* * * * * ******* 

« * « The bearer of this letter will describe to you the resi- 

dence which 1 choose in preference to the happiness of being with you, 
with all my friends, in the midst of all possible enjoyments ; in truths 
my love, do you not believe that powerful reasons are requisite to in- 
duce a person to make such a sacrifice? Every thing combined to 
urge me to depart, — honor alone told me to remain ; and when you 
learn in detail the circumstances in which I am placed, those in which 
the army, my friend, its commander, and the whole American cause 
were placed, you will not only forgive me, but you will excuse, and I 
may almost venture to say, applf^'id me. What a pleasure I shall 

6* 



66 LIFE OF LAFAYETTEv 

feel in explaining to you myself all the reasons of my conduct, and in 
asking, whilst embracing you, a p&rdon, which I am very certain I 
shall then obtain ! But do not condemn me before hearing my defence. 
In addition to the reasons I have given you, there is one other reason 
which I would not relate to every one, because it might appear like af- 
fecting airs of ridiculous importance. My presence is more necessary 
at this moment to the American cause, than you can possibly conceive ; 
many foreigners, who have been refused employment, or whose ambi- 
tious views have been frustrated, have raised up some powerful cabals ; 
they haveendeavored^ by every sort of artifice, tr make me discontent- 
ed with this revolution, and with him who is its chief : they have spread 
as widely as they could, the report that I was quitting the continent. 
The English have proclaimed also, loudly, the same intention on my 
side. I cannot in conscience appear to justify the malice of these peo- 
ple. If I were to depart, many Frenchmen who are useful here would 
follow my example. General Washington would feel very unhappy if 
X were to speak of quitting him ; his confidence in me is greater than I 
dare acknowledge, on account of my youth. In the place he occupies, 
he is liable to be surrounded by flatterers or secret enemies : he finds 
in me a secure friend, in whose bosom he may always confide his most 
secret thoughts, and who will always speak the truth. Not one day 
passes without his holding long conversations with me, writing me long 
letters, and he has the kindness to consult me on the most important 
matters. A peculiar circumstance is occurring at this moment which 
renders my presence of some use to him : this is not the time to speak 
of my departure. I am also at present engaged in an interesting cor- 
respondence with the President of Congress. The desire to debase 
England, to promote the advantage of my own country, and the happi- 
ness of humanity, which is strongly interested in the existence of one 
perfectly free nation, all induces me not to depart at the moment when 
my absence might prove injurious to the cause I have embraced. The 
General, also, after a slight success in Jersey, requested me, with the 
unanimous consent of Congress, to accept a division in the army, and 
to form it according to my own judgment, as well as my feeble resour- 
ces might permit ; I ought not to have replied to such a mark of confi- 
dence, by asking what were his commissions for Europe." 

The " interesting correspondence with the President of 
Congress," to which Lafayette alludes in the foregoing let- 
ter.s, related to a projected expedition against Canada. 
This expedition is said to have been planned by General 
Gates, adopted by the new Board of War, and approved of 
by Congress without the least consultation on the subject 
with Gen. Washington. Lafayette was appointed to the 
command, with the title of General of the Northern army, 
January 22d, 1778, with the principal design, as he him- 
self suspected, of removing him from the presence, and de- 
taching him from the interests and confidence of the Com<^ 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. ^ 

fti and er- in -chief. That these, and kindred efforfs proved 
abortive — that his friendship and +iilelity could not be sha- 
ken — are the most honorable traits in the character, the 
brightest incidents in the life, of Lafayette. The first knowl- 
edge Gen. Washington had of the plan, was communicated 
to him by Gen. Gates, in a letler which enclosed another 
for Lafayette, containing a commission, independent of th& 
Commander-in-chief, with orders to repair to Congress for 
further instructions. Gen. Washington placed the com- 
munication in Lafayette's hands, with the simple remark :■ 
" I prefer its being for you rather than for any other 
person." 

Like a true Frenchman, Lafayette was anxious to see 
the ancient French colony wrested from tlie hands of iis 
British conquerors. The appointment to command an ex- 
pedition against Canada, therefore, although the prospects 
of its success were not propitious, was personally gratify- 
ing lo him. But determined to take no course which should 
be disrespectful to the feelings or authority of General 
Washington, he hesitated to accept the appointment ; and 
declared at once to three Commissioners of Congress, who 
were then in the camp, " that he would never accept of a 
command independent of the General, and that the title of 
his aid-de-canip appeared to him preferable to any other 
that could be offered." General Washington, however, 
although he had little confidence in the success of the expe- 
dition at that season of the year, ad^'ised Lafayette to accept 
the appointment, as an honorable station, in which, what- 
ever might be the result, he could not fail toacq;uit himself 
with credit. He therefore repaired to Yorktown, to make 
the necessary arrangements with the Board of War. On 
his arrival there, he found Gen. Gates, seated at the dinner 
table, in his own house, surrounded by a large party of his 
friends. He was received with cordiality, joined them at 
the table, and when the wine passed round, and (oasts were' 
given, and the glasses were filled for the toast of Lafayette, 
he gave, " The Commander-in-chief of the American ar- 
mies !" to the no small confusion of those present, wha 
were obliged out of complaisance to drink it. Conway had 
been appointed under Lafayette, with the intention of hi» 
being second in command ; but Lafayette insisted that the 
Baron de Kalb should accompany him, who being higher 



OS LIFE OF LAFAYETTE* 

in rank, became second in command, instead of Conway. 
This, and all that he required for the expediton was grant- 
ed ; and it was promised on the part of Gen. Gates, that 
there should be no deficiency of supplies, either as to men 
or means. His instructions from the war office (he states,) 
promised that 2500 men should be assembled at Albany, 
and a large corps of militia at Coos ; that he should huva 
two millions in paper money, some specie, and all means 
supplied for crossing Lake Champlain upon the ice, whence, 
after having burnt the English flotilla, he was to proceed to 
Montreal, and act there as circumstances might require." 
Under these instructions and promises, the young com- 
mander of I he North, not yet 21) yp'ars of age, set out in the 
dead of winter, upon his Canada expedition. But he says, 
writing to Madame Lafayette, previo is to his departure, 
♦* The idea of rendering the whole of New France free ; 
and of delivering her from a heavy yoke, is too glorious for 
me lo allow myself to dwell upon. The progress of hij* 
journey, and his feeIino;s, are thus expressed in u letter 
written by the way, to Gen. Washington : 

*' Hemmingtown, the Otk February, 1118. 

"Dear. General, — I cannot let go my guide without taking this 
opportunity of writing to your excellency, though I have not yet public 
business to speak of. I go on very slowly ; sometimes drenched by 
rain, and sometimes covered by snow, and not enteitaining many 
handsome thoughts about the projected incursion into Canada ; if suc- 
cess were to be had, it would surprise me in a most agreeable manner 
by that very reason that I don't expect any shining ones. Lake Cham- 
plain is too cold for producing the least bit of laurel, and jf I am not 
starved I shall be as proud as if I had gained three battle. 

" Mr. Duer had given to me a rendezvous at a tavern, but nobody 
was to be found there. I fancy that he will be with Mr. Conway soon- 
er than he has told me ; they will perhaps conquer Canada before 
my arrival, and I expect to meet them at the governor's house ia 
Quebec. 

" Could I believe for one single instant, that this pompous command 
of a northern army will let your excellency forget a little us absent 
friends, then I would send the project to the place it comes from. But 
i dare hope that you will remember me sometimes. I wish you very 
heartily, the greatest public and private happiness and success. It is a 
very melancholy idea for me that I cannot follow your fortunes as near 
your person as I could wish ; but my heart will take very sincerely, ita 
part of every thing which can happen to you, and I am already think- 
ing of the agreeable moment when I may come down to assure your 
excellency of the most tender affection and highest respect. I have 
the honor to be, &c.'* 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 69 

On arriving at Albany, Lafayette found the state of af- 
fairs very different from what he had been led to anticipate ; 
and he unburdened his mind by a full statement, in the fol- 
lowing letters to Gen. Wat^hingtou : 

" Albany, the I9tk February, 1778. 

'' Dear General, — Why am I so far from you, and what business 
had the board of war to hurry me through the ice and snow without 
knowing what I should do, neither what they were doing ihemselves? 
You have thought, perhaps, that their project would be attended with 
some difficulty, that some m.eans had been neglected, that I could not 
obtain all the success and that immensity of laurels which they had 
promised to me ; but I defy your excellency to conceive any idea of 
what I have seen since I left the place where I was quiet and near ray 
friends, to run myself through all the blunders of madness or treachery 
(God knows what). Let me begin the journal of my fine and glorious 
campaign. 

" According to Lord Stirling's advice, I went by Corich-ferry to 
Ringo's tavern, where Mr. Duer had given me a rendezvous ; but there 
no Duer was to be found, and they did never hear from him. From 
thence I proceeded by the state of New York, and had the pleasure of 
seeing the friends of America as warm in their Jove for the Command- 
er-in-chief as his best friend could wish. I spoke to Governor Clinton, 
and was much satisfied with that gentleman. At length I met Albany, 
the 17th, though I was not expected before the 25th. Geneial Conway 
had been here only three days before me, and I must confess I found 
him very active and looking as if he had good intentions ; but we know 
a great deal upon that subject. His first word has been that the expe- 
dition is quite impossible. I was at first very diffident of th s report, 
but have found that he was right. Sucli is, at least, the idea I can 
form of this ill-concerted operation within these two days. 

" General Schuyler, General Lincoln, General Arnold, had written, 
before my arrival, to General Conway, in the most expressi\e terms, 
that, in our present circumstances, there was no possibility to begin, 
now, an enterprise into Canada. Hay, deputy quarter-master-general ; 
Cuyler, deputy commissary-general ; Mearsin, deputy clothier-geneial, 
in what they call the northern department, are entirely of the sf.me 
opinion. Colonel Hazen, who has been appointed to a place which in- 
terferes with the three others above mentioned, was the most desirous 
of going there. The reasons of such an order I think I may attribute 
to other motives. The same Hazen confesses we are not strong enough 
to think of the expedition in this moment. As to the troops, they are 
disgusted, and (if you except some Hazen's Canadians) reluctant, to 
the utmost degree, ^o begin a winter incursion in a so cold country. I 
have consulted everybody, and everybody answers me that it would be 
madness to undertake this operation. 

" I have been deceived by the board of the war ; fhey have, by the 
strongest e':pressions, promised to me one thousand, and (what is more 
to be depended upon) they have assured to me in writing, iwo thtusand 
QLndfive hundred combatants, at a low estimate. IS'ow, Sir, I do not 



70 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

believe I can find, in all, twelve hundred fit for duty, and most part of 
those very men are naked, even for a summer's campaign. I was to 
iind General Stark with a large body, and indeed General Gates had 
told me, General Stark loill have burnt the feet lejore your arrival. 
Well, the first letter I receive in Albany is from General ^taik, who 
wishes to know what number of men, from whence, Jar what time, for 
what rendezvous, I desire him to raise. Colonel Biveld, who was to 
rise too, would have done something had he received money. One 
asks, what encouragement his people will have, the olher has no clothes; 
not one of them has received a dollar of what was due to them. I have 
applied to every body, I have begged at every door I could these two 
days, and 1 see that I could do something were the expedil on lo be 
begun in five weeks But you know we have not an hour to lose, 
and indeed it is now rather too late, had we every thing in readiness. 

" There is a spirit of dissatisfaction prevailing among the soldiers, 
and even the officers, which is owing to their not being paid for some 
time since, 'i'his department is much indebted, and as near as I can 
ascertain, for so short a time, I have already discovered near eight 
hundred thousand dollars due to the continental troops, sf^me m.litia, 
the quarter-master's department, &c. &c. &c. It was with four hun- 
dred thousand dollars, only the half of which is arrived to day, that I 
was to undertake the operation, and satisfy the men under my C' m- 
mands. I send to Congress the account of those debts. Some clothes, 
by Colonel Hallen's activity, are arrived from Boston, but not enough 
by far, and the greatest pait is cut off. 

'• We have had intelligence from a deserter, who makes the enemy 
stronger than I thought. There is no such thing as straw on hoard the 
vessels to burn them. I have sent to Congress a full account of the 
matter ; I hope it will open their eyes. What they will resolve upon 
I do not know, but 1 think I must wait here for their ansv>^er. I have 
enclosed to the president, copies of the most important letters I had 
received. It would be tedious for your excellency, were I to undertake 
the minutest detail of everything; it will be sufficient to say that the 
want of men, clothes, money, and the want of time, deprives me of all 
hopes as to this excursion. If it may begin again in the month of June, 
by the east, I cannot venture to assure ; but for the present mon eit 
such is the idea 1 conceive of the famo us incursion, as far as I may be 
inlormed, in a so short time. 

" Your excellency may judge that I am very distressed by this dis- 
appointment. My being appointed to the command of the expedition 
is known through the continent, it will be soon known in Europe, as I 
have been desired by members of Congress, to write to my friends ; my 
being at the head of an army, people will be in great expectations, and 
what shall I answer? 

•' I am afraid it will reflect on my reputation, and I shall be laughed 
at. My fears upon that subject are so strong, that I would choose to 
become again only a volunteer, unless Congress offers the means of 
mending this ugly business by some glorious operation ; but I am 
very far from giving to them the least notice upon that matter. 
General Arnold seems very fond of a diversion against New York, and 
he is too sick to take the field before four or five months, 1 should 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 7l 

be happy if something was proposed to me in that way, but I will nev- 
er ask, nor even seem desirous of anything directly from Congress ; for 
you, dear general, I know very well, that you will do every thing tc 
procure me the only thing I am ambitious of — glory. 

" I think your excellency will approve of my staying here till further 
orders, and of my taking the liberty of sending my despatches to Con- 
gress by a very quick occasion, without going through the hands of my 
general ; but I was desirous to acquaint them early of my disagreeable 
and ridiculous situation. 

" With the greatest affection and respect, I have the honor to be, 
&c." 

" The ^M February, 1778. 

" Deau Gerethal, — I have an opportunity of writing to your excel- 
lency, which I will not miss by any means, even should I be afraid of 
becoming tedious and troublesome ; but if they have sent me far from 
you, I don't know for what purpose, at least I ; lust make some little 
use of my pen, to prevent all communication from being cut off between 
your excellency and myself I have written lately to you my distress- 
ing, ridiculous, foolish, and indeed, nameless situation. I am sent with 
a great noise, at the head of an army for doing great things ; the whole 
continent, France and Europe herself, and what is the worst, the Brit- 
ish army, are in great ex!iectations. How far they will be deceived, 
how far we shall be ridiculed, you may judge by the candid account 
you have got of the state of our affairs. 

" There are things, I dare say, in which I am deceived — a certain 
colonel is not here for nothing ; one other gentleman became very pop- 
ular before I went to t..is place ; Arnold himself is very fond of him. 
Every part on which I turn to look I am sure a cloud is drawn before 
my eyes ; however, there are points I cannot be deceived upon. The 
want of money, the dissatisfaction among the soldiers, the disinclination 
of every one (except the Canadians who mean to stay at home) for this 
expedition, are as conspicuous as possible ; however, I am sure I will 
become very ridiculous, and laughed at. My expedition will be as fa- 
mous as ih^. secret expedition against Rhode Island. I coniess, my 
dear general, that I find myself of very quick feelings whenever 
my reputation and glory are concerned in anything. It is very hard 
indeed that such a part of my happiness, without which I cannot 
live, should depend upon scliemes which I never knew of but when 
there was no time to put them into execution. I assure you, my 
most dear and respected friend, that I am more unhappy than I ever 
was. 

" My desire for doing something was such, that I have thought of 
doing it by surprise with a detachment, but it seems to me rash and 
quite impossible. I «hould be very happy if you were here to give nic 
some advice ; but I have nobody to consult with. They have sent to 
me more than twenty French officers ; I do not know what to do with 
them : I beg you will acquaint me the line of conduct you advise me 
to follow on every point. I am at a loss how to act, and indeed I do 
not know what I am here for myself However, as being the eldest 
officer, (after General Arnold has desired me to take the command,) I 



72 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

think it is my duty to mind the business of this part of America as well 
as I can. General Gates holds yet the title and power of Commander- 
in-chief of the Northern department ; but, as two hundred thousand 
dollars are arrived, I have taken upon myself to pay the most necessa- 
ry part of the debts we are involved in. I am about sending provisions 
to Fort Schuyler ; I will go see the fort. I will try to get some clothes 
for the troops, to buy some articles for the next campaign. I have di- 
rected some money to be borrowed upon my credit to satisfy the troops, 
who are much discontented. In all I endeavor to do for the best, 
though I have no particular authority or instructions ; and I will come 
as near as I can to General Gates' intentions, but I want much to get 
an answer to my letters. 

" I fancy (between us) that the actual scheme is to have me out of 
this part of the continent, and General ConV/ay in chief, under the im- 
mediate direction of General Gates. How they will bring it up I do 
not know, but you may be sure something of that kind will appear. 
You are nearer than myself, and every honest man in Congress is your 
friend; therefore you may foresee and prevent, if possible, the evil, a 
hundred times better than I can ; I would only give that idea to your 
excellency. 

'•' After having written in Europe (by the desire of the members "of 
Congress) so many fine things about my commanding an army, I shall 
be ashamed if nothing can be done by me in that way. I am told Gen- 
eral Putnam is recalled : but your excellency knows better than I do what 
would be convenient, therefore I donH want to mind these things myself. 

" Will you be so good as to present my respect to your lady. 
With the most tender affection and highest respect, I have the honor 
(o be, " Lajayette." 

To these letters Gen. Washington replied : 

" Head Quarters, lOth March, 1778. 

■' My Dear Makquis, — I have had the pleasure of receiving your 
two favors of the 19th and 23d of February, and hasten to dispel those 
fears respecting your reputation, which are excited only by an uncom- 
mon degree of sensibility. You seem to apprehend that censure pro- 
portioned to the disappointed expectations of the world, will fall on yon 
in consequence of the failure of the Canadian expedition. But, in the 
first place, it will be nd disadvantage to you to have it known in Eu- 
rope that you had received so manifest a proof of the good opinion 
and confidence of Congress as an important detached command ; and 
I am persuaded that every one will applaud your prudence in renoun- 
cing a project, in pursuing which you v/oiild vainly have attempted 
physical impossibilities ; indeed, unless you can be chargeable with the 
invariable effects Of natural causes, and be arraigned for not suspend- 
ing the course of the seasons, to accommodate your march over the 
lake, the most prompt to slander can have nothing to found blame 
«pon. 

" However sensible your ardor for glory may make you feel this 
disappointment, you may be assured that your character stands ag 
tw aa ever it did, and that no new enterprise is necessary to wipe off 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 73 

this imaginary stain. The expedition which you hint at I think unad* 
visable in our present circumstances. Any thing in the way of a for-* 
mal attack, which would necessarily be announced to the enemy by 
preparatory measures, would not be likely to succeed. If a stroke is 
meditated in that quarter, it must be effected by troops stationed at a 
proper distance tor availing themselves of the first favorable oppor- 
tunity offered by the enemy, and success would principally depend 
upon the suddenness of the attempt. This, therefore, must raiher be 
the effect of time and chance than premeditation. You undoubtedly 
have determined judiciously in waiting the further orders of Congress. 
Whether they allow me the pleasure of seeing you shortly, or destine 
you to a longer absence, you may assure yourself of the sincere good 
wishes of, Dear Sir, &.c. 

" P. S. Your directing payment of such debts as appear to be most 
pressing, is certainly right. There is not money enough to answer 
every demand ; and I wish your supplies of clothing had been better. 
Your ordering a large supply of provisions into Fort Schuyler was a 
very judicious measure, and I thank you for it." 

Under these circumstances Lafayette deemed it rash to 
proceed ; and his priidence was highly approved of ity all 
who were attached to the expedition. Mr. D lane, writing 
to Gov. Clinton, said of Lafayette ; " His zeal for this 
connhy, of which he has given nn.;rks, even to en'.hnsiasni, 
and his ardent desire of glory, leave him to wish the expe- 
dition practicable, but he is too considerate to pursue it rash- 
ly, or without probable grounds tl^r a succeisfui issue. I 
nijst mention to your excellency a circumstance which 
shows the liberality of his disposition. He determined, on his 
entering into Candida, to j-ruuply his army through his own 
private bills on France, to the amount of five or six thou- 
siind guineas, and lo present that sum to Congress, as a proof 
of his love to Amarica an^l the rigiits of human nature." 

While await ng the decision of Congress, Lafayette 
adopted measures to conciliate tiie Indian tribes. He attend- 
cd with G^n. Schuyler and Col, Duane, superintendents of 
Indian affiirs in that quarter, a council at Johnstown, at 
which five hundred Indians, men, women, and children, in 
ravage costume, colored with various colored paints and 
feathers, with their ears cut open, their noses ornamented 
with rings, and their half naked bodies marked with differ- 
ont figures, were present. Lafiyeite reminded them of 
their former friendship with the French. He distributed, to 
them money, ingo'd pieces, and goods, and was adopted into 
their tribs under the name o'l Kayewla, which formerly be- 

7 



t4 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. > 

longed to one of their warriors, and under this name he 
was afterwards known to the Indians, over all the tribes of 
which he exercised a beneficial influence, in all the negoti- 
ations which became necesssary during the remainder of the 
war. 

Nor did he neglect any opportunity to express his friend- 
ship for the Commander-in-chief; to render justice to his 
character, and to ttrenujthen the confidence of the army in 
that great and good man, upon whom so essentially depend- 
ed the destinies, the existence, the liberties, of his country. 
In a letter to Baron de Steuben, dated at Albany, March 
12, he says ; 

" Permit me to express my satisfaction at your having seen General 
Washington. No enemies to that great man can be found except 
among the enemies to his country ; nor is it possible for any man of a 
noble spirit to refrain from loving the excellent qualities of his heart. 
I think I know him as well as any person, and such is the idea which 
I have formed of him ; his honesty, his frankness, his sensibility, his 
virtue, to the full extent in which this word can be understood, are 
above all praise. It is not for me to judge of his military talents ; but, 
according to my imperfect knowledge of these matters, his advice in 
council has always appeared to me the best, although his modesty pre- 
vents him sometimes trom sustaining it ; and his predictions have gen- 
erally been fulfilled. I am the more happy in giving you this opinion 
of my friend with all t! e sincerity which I feel, because some persons 
may perhaps attempt to deceive you on this point." 

The Baron Steuben was a Prussian officer who had re- 
cently arrived in the United States and repaired to the 
camp at Valley Forge. He came with ample recommenda- 
tions. He had served in the armies of the Great Frederick, 
and it is well known that as a disciplinarian he rendered 
important services to this country during the remainder of 
the revolutionary war. 

At length on the 7th of March, in conformity to represen- 
tations of Lafayette and others. Congress resolved to instruct 
the Marquis de Lafayette to suspend the expedition into 
Canada, and at the same time to assure him, " that Con- 
gress entertain a high sense of his prudence, activity and 
zeal, and that they are fully persuaded nothing has or would 
have been wanting on his part, or on the part of the officers 
who accompanied him, to give the expedition the utmost pos- 
sible effect. On the 20th March, Gen. Washington wrote to 
Lafayette, desiring him, in pursuance to a resolve of Con- 
gress of the 13th, " without loss of time to return to the 



tlFE OF LAFAYETTE. 75 

camp, to resume the command of a division of this army, 
and that you will commnnicate a similar order to Major- 
General de Kalb." He therefore returned to Head Quar- 
ters, at Valley For^e, and resumed the command of his 
division, the first week in April. Baron de Kalb soon fol. 
lowed. Conway was therefore left in command at Albany. 
Shortly after, however, in a fit of passion and arrogance 
he intimated to Congress a wish to resign. Congres.-, by 
this time acquainted with his character, resolved that his 
resignation be accepted, and he was succeeded in the of- 
fice of inspector-general by Baron Steuben. He repaired 
to Philadelphia, and being severely wounded in a duel with 
an American officer. Gen. Cadwallader, supposing himself 
at the point of death, he wrote to Gen. Washington, (July 
23d, 1778,) expressing sincere gri -f for what he had done, 
written, and said against him. " My career, (he wrote,) 
will soon be over; therefore justice and truth prompt me 
to declare my last sentiments. You are in my eyes the 
great and good man. May you lortg enjoy the love, ven- 
eration and esteem of these states, whose liberties you have 
asserted by your virtues." C )ntrary to expectation, he 
recovered from his wound, and soon after returned in dis- 
grace to France. Not a vestage was iienceforth left of the 
" Conway Cabal," and Lafayette paiticipated with Wash- 
ington in the triumph of virtue and integrity, over ambition 
and intrigue. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Preparations for the Campaign of 1778. Influence a' road of Lafay- 
ette's example. American commissioners in Paris. Policy of the 
French Government. Favorable impressions in Europe. Joy in 
France at American success. Prospects of an alliance. Lord 
North's Conciliatory Bills. Treaties between France and the Uni- 
ted States. Celebration of this event. New oath of allegiance 
Administered by Lafayette. Objection by Woodford's brigade. Ob- 
viated by Lafayette. Campaign commences. Afiair of Barren' 
Hill. Masterly retreat of Lafayette. Its importance. Anxiety of 
Gen. Washington. Lafayette's atiection. Death of his daughter. 
Letter thereon. The domestic and social virtues commended. 

Amidst the suffering of the army nt Vnlley Forge, in 
the winter of 1777-8, Gen. Washington had diligently de- 



16 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

vi^erl measures, not only to relieve present sufferings, but 
for future and efficient operations. He consulted with the 
officers of the Jnniy, and took their opinions in writing. 
He urged the consideration of t'ie s^ubject earnestly upon 
Congress. A committee of five meml)ers of that body re- 
paired to the can^p, with full poweis to consult with the 
Commander-in-chief; and the (-utlincs of a new and im- 
proved system of operations were recommended to, and 
finally adopted by Congress. The several s'ales lent their 
co-operation ; and tl:e prespects which brightened upon the 
American army in the spring of 1778, were harbingers of 
the successes whicli were to follow. 

Tlie example of Lafay(tte is openly espousing the Ameri- 
can cause, and quitting his kindred and country to fight its 
battles, contrary to the wishes and policy of his government; 
the account of his reception and ihe brilliant commence- 
ment of his military career, had piodiicf d in France a fa- 
vorable influence, which co-operated with the efforts of the 
American commissioners, Deane, Frariklin and Lee, in our 
behalf. The French people naturally sympathized with 
those of America. It was the policy of the French gov- 
ernment to embrace every opportunity of liumbhng the 
pride and power of Great Britain ; and she had been hith- 
erto restrained from openly espousing the cause of the 
Colonies, fiom a doubt of their i:;tention and ability to 
iTiaintain their independence. Not only in France but 
throughout Europe, the capture of Burgoyne's army, and 
the. attacks of Gen. Washington upon the British army, at 
Brand>wi!;e and Germaniown, evidences of unexpected 
skill and valor, produced a great and fav(^rable sensation. 
Tfie commissioneis stated, under ('a e of Dec. 18lh, 1777, 
that the news of Burgoyne's defeat and surrender, " appa- 
rently occLsioned as mucii general joy in Frnnce, as if it 
had been a victory of their own troops, over their own ene- 
mies ; s'ic'i is the universal, warm, and sinci re good will 
and attachm<^nt to us and our cause in t! is not on." On the 
aext day, (D c. 19.) Mr. Lee wrote to Samuel Adams : 
"The la-t ray of Brili^h splendor is pr.ssng away, and 
the American sun is emetgig ii fu'l glory fnm the 
clouds which obsc;tred it. His ?nost Christian 7nnjesty has 
assured vs, in flie most explicit terms, that he ivi/l enter into 
a treaty loith us as sopn as the courier reluriis from Spain ; 



Life of lafavette. T^ 

and will maintain our indepen lence with arms ifnecessarv. 
The only stipulation he requires, is, that we sliall not re* 
nounce our independence when we make psdce ; a condi. 
tion to which I believe we have no insuperable objection or 
reluctance." 

It was doubtless the anticipation or knowler'gft of sucl* 
an event, which induced Lord North to recomme ^d, and 
the British parliament to adopt, his famous *' Conci'iatory. 
Bills,'' for settling the ditfic-ulties wi'.h the revohed coionit^s. 
They proposed a relaxation in the system of taxation, and 
the " granting of pardon," to tho-e who would subm t, o» 
the proposed conditions— but neith t a r- pa rat on of past 
wrongs, nor the acknow ledg^^mentof independence. 'Mireei 
commissioners, Lord Carlisle, Governor Johnstone, and 
William Eden, arrived in New Yoik about the middle of 
April, authorized to negotiate on the basis of thesi- bills. 
The bills were printed and widely circulated, Cor the in-id- 
ious purpose of creating disaffect on a ;.o;.g the people of 
the colonies. The commissioners repaired first to the Headf 
Quarters of Gen. Washington, and from thence desp>itched» 
their papers to Congress, who promptly resolved not to ne- 
gotiate upon the terms proposed. 

Ten days thereafter, on the 2d of May, despatches were 
received by Coni^ress, communicating the a<-knowledge- 
ment by France of the independence of the U idled S-tates, ia-- 
treaties of amity and commerce, and of defensive alliance*, 
entered into by the American commissioners at Paris and 
the French government, on the 6th of February. 

This intelligence was received in the araiies, and throii<?h- 
outthe cont nent, vvith every demonstration of joy. The 
army at Valley Forge were anxious to manifest their jory 
upon the occa.sion ; and, on the 5th of May, Wushingtoa* 
issued the following general orders : 

" Head Quarters, Camp Valley Forge, ) 
May 5th, 1778. V 

"It having pleased the Almighty Ruler of the universe propitiously. 
to defend the cause of the United American States, and finally, bjjT. 
raising us up a powerful friend among the Princes of ihe Earth, u>, 
establish our liberty and independence on a lasting foundation ; it be- 
comes us to set apart a day for gratefully acknowledging the divine 
goodness, and celebrating the important event which we owe to His 
benign interposition. 

*' The several brigades are to be assembled for this purpose at nine 

7* 



?8 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE^ 

o'clock to-morrow morning, when their chaplains will communicate the 
intelligence contained in the Postscript to the Pennsylvania Gazette of 
the second instant, and offer up a thanksgiving, and deliver a discourse 
Buitable to the occasion. 

" At half past ten o'clock a cannon will be fired, which is to be a sig- 
nal for the men to be under arms. The Brigade Inspectors will then 
inspect their dress and arms^form the battalions according to the in- 
structions given them, and. announce to the commanding officers of 
brigades that the battalions are formed. The brigadiers and command- 
ants will then appoint the field officeis to command the battalions; af- 
ter which, each battalon will be ordered to loa<l and ground their arms. 
At half past eleven, another cannon will be fired as a signal for the 
march ; on which the several brigades will begin their marching by 
wheeling to the right by platoons, and proceed by the nearest way to 
the left of their ground, in the new position that will be pointed out by 
the Brigade Inspectors. A third signal will be given, on which there 
will be a discharge of thirteen cannon ; when the thirteenth has fiied,a 
running fire of the infantry will begin on the right of Woodford's and 
continue throughout the whole front line ; it will then be taken up on 
the left of the second line and continue to the right — on a signal given, 
the whole army will huzza — Long live the King of France I 

" The artillery will then begin again, and fire thirteen rounds. This 
will be succeeded by a second general discharge of the musketry in a 
running fire — Huzza ! long live the friendly European Powers ! 
Then the last discharge of thirteen pieces of artillery will be given, 
fellowed by a general running fire — Huzza for the American States !" 

These orders were executed with spirited and splendid 
effect. The Commander*in-chief gave a public dinner, at 
which all the officers of the army were present. As the 
representativ*^ of France in the army of America, Lafayette 
took a conspicuous part in these demonstrations ; and to no 
one did the event commemorated, afford greater and more 
hoRorable satisfaction. 

As a renewed pledge of the independence of America, 
Congress had, (Feb. 3d, 1778,) prescribed the following 
oath of allegiance and abjuration, which was to be taken 
by all officers, civil and midtary : " I do acknowledge the 
United States of America to be free, independent, and sov- 
ereign states, and declare that the people thereof owe no 
allegiance or obedience to George the Third, King of Great 
Britain ; and I renounce, refuse, and abjure any allegiance 
or obedience to him, and 1 do swear (or affirm.) that I will 
to the utmost of my power, support, maintain, and defend 
the United States against the said King George the Third 
and his heirs and successoris, and his and their abetters, as- 
sistants, and adherents, and will serve the United Stales in 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 79 

the office which I now hold, with fidelity, according to the 
be.^t of my skill and understanding." 

This oath had been adm nistered by Gen. Lafayette to the 
officers of the northern army, previous to his leaving Albany , 
The administration of it in the army at Valley Forgr, had 
been, from the state of the army and what were deemed 
*' strong reasons," deferred until after the intelligence of the 
treaties with France was received. In administering the 
oath to a portion of his division, Lafayette experienced some 
difficulty. Twenty-six of the officers of Gt^n. Woodford's 
brigade, declined taking the oath, and presented a remon- 
strance to Lafayette, containing their reasons. This paper 
was submitted by Lafayette to Gen. Washington, asking 
his further instructions. In 'reply, (May 17th,) Gen. Wash- 
ington said : *' I thank you much for the courteous delicacy 
used in communicating the matter to me. As every oath 
should be a free act of the mind, founded on the conviction 
of its propriety, I would not wish in any instance, that there 
should be the least degree of compulsion exercised ; nor to 
interpose my opinion, in order to induce any to make it of 
whom it is required. The gentlemen, therefore, who signeci 
the paper, will use their own discretion in the matter, and 
swear, or not swear, as their consciences and feelings dic- 
tate." At the same time, he briefly justified the tenor of 
tlie oath and the propriety of taking it. These noble sen- 
timents of toleration, with the delicate persuas^ions of Lafay- 
ette, had their effect ; and the next day, (May 18,) Lafayette 
writes to the Commander-in-chief: " I have taken the oath 
of the gentlemen in Gen. Woodford's brigade, and the cer- 
tificates have been sent to the Adjutant-General's office." 

The alliance with France, was generally considered as 
decisive of the independence of America ; and fears were 
entertained by discreet men, that Congress and the Conx-. 
mander-in-chief, would relax in their military preparations. 
Such, however, was not the case. These preparations were 
continued with increased energy, and it was earnestly re- 
commended to every state to complete its quota of continen- 
tal troops, and to hold its militia ready for service. The 
committee of foreign affairs in Congress, writing to tho 
American commissioners in Pari;?, May 14, say : 

" Our affairs have now a universal good appearance. Every 
tUing at home and abroad, seems verging towards a happy and per- 



80 LIFE OF LAFAYElTE. 

manent period. We are preparing for either war or peace ; for al- 
though we are fully persuaded that our enemies are wearied, beaten, and 
in despair, yet we shall not presume too much on that belief; and the 
rather, as it is our fixed determination to admit no terms of peace, but 
such as are fully in character with the dignity of independent states, and 
consistent wiih the spirit and intention of our alliances on the continent 
of Europe." 

The British ministry, however, in its obstinacy and fol- 
ly, was resolved to continue the war. Immediately on 
liearinor of the treaties of the United StMtes with France, 
hostilities had been commenced against that power. 

The British army, under Sir William Howe, had occu- 
pied Philadelphia during the winter and until late in the- 
month (jf May, without at!em| ting any enterprise, corres"- 
ponding t© the superiority of their force. Tliey had con- 
fined their operations to depredating on the inhabitants of 
the surrounding country, without attempting to molest Gen. 
Washington, whose encampment was wiihm twenty mile* 
of the city. The British force in Philadelphia was at this, 
lime about nineteen thousand : while the American army 
at Valley Forge, numbered on the 8th of May, only eleven 
thousand eight hundred. Sir Henry C:in1on had succeeded 
Sir William Howe in the command at Philadelphia, and 
the vi^rilance of General Washington had discovered indi- 
cations of the enemy s Hfteniion to evacuate that city. 

On the 18ih of May, Lafayette was detached by Gen, 
Washington, with a valuable corps of aljout two thousand 
men, and five pieces of cannon. The purposes, as fctated^ 
in the instructions, were, " to be a security to this camp, antt 
a cover to the country, between the Delaware and Schuyl- 
kill, to intercept the communication with Philadelphia, to; 
obstruct the incursions of the enemy's parties, and to obtairj- 
intelligence of their motions a.nd designs." " You will re- 
member (sriys the instructions,) that your detachment is a 
very valiiable one, and that any accident happening to it, 
would be a severe blow to the army ; you will therefore 
use every possible precaution for its security, and to guard 
againt a surprise." Havitsg marched agreeably to these 
instructions, Lafayette took post at Barren Hill, on tho' 
south side of the Schuylkiil, about equal di.-tance, ten miies^. 
from Valley Forge and Philadelphia. His position was weli 
chosen, his right resting upon some rocky precipices and 
the river, his left on some woods and strong stoae houses.. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 81 

Five pieces of cannon were in front, and a few yards in ad- 
vance of his left winp; were Capt. M'Lane's company, and 
about fifty Indians. He had stationed videtles on the roads 
leading to Philadelphia, and directed those towards White- 
marsh to be WMtched by six hundred Pennsylvania militia. 
Intelligence of Lafayette's movements and position were 
communicated by a spy to the British commander in Phila- 
delphia ; v.'ho is stated by Lafayette and Mars'-ail, to have 
been General Howe, and in Washington's Writings, by Mr. 
Sparks, to have been General Clinton. We have consulted 
all, and copy something of our account from each, and also 
from Chastellux. Gen. Hov/e, (and Marshall states it to 
have been his last act as commander of the British forces 
in Philadelphia,) immediately formed a plan of surprising 
Lafayette. So confidant was Howe, that he should take 
the marquis, that he invited some ladies to meet him the 
next day at supper, and while the principal part of the 
officers were at the theatre, [the English had brought with 
them from New York a company of players, and the offi- 
cers themselves frequently performed the principal charac. 
ters,] he put in movement the main body of his forces, 
which he mnrched in three columns. One of these with 
five thousand select troops under Gen. Grant, took the 
road which leads up the D. leware, diverging from Barren 
Hill, an 1 passing Wiitemarsh, reached a position about a 
mile in rear of Lafayetie, between him and Valley Forge, 
a little before sunrise. Here the roads fork, the one lead- 
ing to the camp of Lafayette, and the other to Marlin's 
Ford, over the Scuylkill. Another strong detachment, 
under Gen. Gray, advanced up the Schuylkill on its south 
side along the ridge road, and took post at a ford, in front 
of the light flank of Lafayette. The other and main col- 
umn, supposed to have been commanded by Gen. Howe in 
person, took the direct road, passing by Schuylkill Falls 
alon«T the rivj-r, to Barren Hill. 

On the morning (»f the 20lh, while Lafayette was con- 
ver.-ing with a girl, who had consented to go into Philadel- 
phia for intelligence, under pretence of visiting her relations, 
he Whs informed ihat a body of diagoon^, drissed in red, 
had been seen at Wl itemarsh. He at fir.-t supp< sed ihey 
wt-re a detachment of American dragoons, in red uniform., 



83 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

which he had expected to join him in that direction. This 
impression was the more natural, as he supposed the Penn- 
sylvfinia militia still occupied the road to Whitemarsh ; but 
they had changed their position wiihoui his knowledge, and 
left this important pass open to the enemy. He was soort 
undeceived, and found that the three columns of the enemy 
were marching upon him m all directions. A ludicious 
diversion took place in this critical moment. The fifty 
savages whom Lafayetie had with him, had been placed ia 
ambush, after their own fashion, lying c'ose to the ground 
as rabbits. Fifty English dragoons, who iiad never seen an 
Indian, march. ng at the head of the column, entered the 
woods where they were hid. A mutual fight took place. 
The Indians, starting up, raised a horrible yell, threw down 
their arms, and escaped across the Schuylkill. The dra- 
goons on the other hand, as much terrified as the Indians, 
turned about their horses, and did not recover their panic 
until they got back to Philadelphia. 

Lafayetie comprehended at once his danger, and that his 
only course was a retreat. He manifested, however, great 
presence of mind, and, as was seen in the sequel, unparal- 
leled skill and bravery. Learning that Swede's Ford, on the 
direct road to Valley Forge, was in possession of the enemy, 
he commenced a quick march, but in the most complete or- 
der, to Matson's Ford. G.^neral Grant occupied the heights, 
beneath which lay the road over which Lafayette was to 
pass, and which was partially concealed by woods. In or- 
der to deceive Grant into a belief that he was marching to 
attack him, instead of retreating, he detached several small 
parties, with orders to exhibit themselves at several points, 
as heads of columns. Grant, supposing from the exhibition 
of these false hnads of columns that the whole army was in 
the rear, halted his tiooi'S and prepared for an attack. Im- 
proving I he timf^ thus gained, Lafayetie reached Matson's 
Ford ; his heads of columns, gradually f<ll back and joined 
him : the whole army pa^^sed safe over, look possession of 
the high grounds, on the other side of ihe river, and formed 
in the order of battle. When the English columns, thus 
out-generaled, came up, they found Latayette so advantac^e- 
ously poj^ted that they did not dare to attfick him. " The 
English (says Chasteilux,) finding the bird flown, returned 



LifB OF LAFAYETTfi. 



83 



to Philadelphia, spent with fatigue, and ashamed of having 
done noth.ng. The ladies did not see M. de Lafayette, and 
General Howe himself arrived too late for supper." 




RETREAT OF BARREN HILL. 



This affair was designated by Gen. Washington in his 
communication to Congress, as a "timely and handsome re* 
treat." Its importance may be appreciated from the fact, 
that the detachment comprised some of the choicest, and 
about one third, of the troops constituting the efficient force 
of the army of Valley Forge. The danger with which it 
was threatened, was perceived from the camp, soon after it 
was communicated to Lafayette. A.larm guns were fired 
to announce it to him, and the whole army was put under 
arms, to act as circumstances might require. Marshall 
says, he was then in camp, and saw the Commander-in- 
chief, accompanied by his aids and some general officers, 
ride, soon after sunrise, to the summit of the hiJl, on the 
side of which the huts were constructed, and look anxious- 
ly towards the scene of action, through a glass. He wit- 
nessed, too, the joy with which they returned after the de- 
tachment had crossed the Schuylkill. Lafayette returning 
to the camp the same day with his detachment, having ac- 
complished the purposes of the expeditiorj, was welcomed 
with like demonstrations of joy, and received the approba- 
tion and thanks of Gen. Washington. His whole loss was 
nine men ; that of the enemy was much greater. 

While these brilliant events were occurring, Lafayette 



84 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

had received the afflicting domestic intelligence of the death 
of Henriette, his eldest, and at the time he left France, his 
only, daughter. On this occasion he wrote to Madame 
Lafayetter (June 16, 1778:) "What a dreadful thing is 
absence ! I never experienced before all the hori'ors of sep- 
aration. My own deep sorrow is aggravated by the feel- 
ing that I am not able to >hare, and sympaihist; in your 
anguish. The length of time that had elapsed befure I 
heard of this event, had also increasd my m'sery. Con- 
sider, my love, what a dreadful thing it must be to weep for 
what I have lost, and tremble for wliat remains. The dis- 
tance between Europe and America appears to me more 
enormous than ever. The loss of our poor child is almost 
constantly in my thoughts ; this sad news follovv^ed imme- 
diately that of the treaty, and while my heart v/as torn by 
grief, I was obliged to receive, and take part in expressions 
of public joy.'' * * * * " If the unfortunate 
news had reached me sooner, I should have set out irnme- 
diatly to rejoin you ; but the account of the treat}^, which 
we received the first of Rlay, prevented my leaving this 
country. The opening campaign does not allow me to re- 
tire. I have always been perfectl}'' convinced, that by ser- 
ving the cauae of humanity, and that of America, I serve 
also the interest of France." 

The above and similar extracts from the correspondence 
of Lafaj^ette, we trust will not be deemed incompatible with 
the legitimate purposes of biography. We present him, 
and such is our desire, as one among the few examples of 
public and private virtues, of goodness and greatufss, uni- 
ted in the same person ; and us an illustration of the truth, 
that the stern exhibitions of valor in the tented field are not 
incompaitble with the tender and cherished aflections of do- 
mestic life. These attributes combined, form the most per- 
fect character — whose examples are most beneficial to man- 
kind, and whose name is mnst worthy to be cherished and 
perpetuated upon the records of history. Talk of liberty ! 
How can liberty exist without virtue ? And where is vir- 
tue to be found — where is it germinated — where does it hud 
and blossom, and bear fruit, if it is not around the dome^ti? 
fireside and in the social circle ? 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 85 



CHAPTER IX. 

The British army evacuates Philadelphia. Pursuit by the Americans. 
Lee and a majority of officers oppose an attack. Lafayette concurs 
with Washington, Greene, and others in favor of it. Lee declines 
the commauil of the advanced corps. Conferred on Lafayette. His 
instructions. Yields to Lee's solicitations. Vacillating conduct of 
Lee. Battle of Monmouth. Arrival of the French fleet, under 
Co ini DEstaing. It repairs to Nevvport. Gnitihcation of Lafay- 
etle. Is appointed toco-operate with his cou itrymen. Gen. Greene 
gent to panicipate in the command. Correspondence of Washing- 
ton and Lafayette on the occasion. 

At length, nn (he morninir, of the 18th of Ju"o, the Brit- 
ish arm}^ evacuated Philadelphia. It crossed the Delaware, 
-and commenced its cu nbrous march, through New Jers -y, 
for the city of Ne^v York. G n. Was ington immediately 
63nt out .several detachments, to watch and harrass the ene- 
my. The principal bridges had been previo isly des royed, 
and the r.)ads obstructte I with trees, -^c^c. by th- Americans. 
The whole army followed, and o.-i the 22d of JaM<> passed 
into New Jersey, at Coryell's Ferry, and encamped at Hope- 
well, about five miles f om Princeton. In the m^an time, 
(June 24.) ihe British army had mcamped at IL-peiown. 
Sir Henry C.inton being tor some davs at a loss what course 
to taki' fro:n thence, A council of war had been hJd by 
Gen. Washington, while the Briti-h were crossing the Del- 
av/are, at which the propriety of risking a geiier.l eng.ige- 
ment with the enemy, should an o,)portuu.tv present, or 
merely harassing them on their march, and avoi ling an 
f^ngagement, was discussed. General Lee was decidedly 
a«^ains^ an engagement, and a majority of the officers con- 
curre:! with bin. Wasli ngtoT himself, witli Lafiyette, 
'Greene and Waynp, were of a different opinion. In a coun- 
oil at Hopewell, the quesion was aga n discussed. Lee 
persisted in his opinion, and that it was most prudent to nass 
to the Hud-on, without hazarding a parti »1 or general at- 
tack. Lafay-ttt; orresponded in his views, as he Uiifornrr- 
W did, with Gjn. Washington. He was about the last id 

8 



®5 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

speak, and contender] that it would be disgraceful (othe of- 
ficers and humiliatinir for t'ie tioa,>s, to allow the enemy 
to travers,- the Jerseys unmolested ; that without running 
an imprudent ri^k, the rear-guard at least of the British 
might be atticked; that it was best to follow the enemy, 
manoeuvre with prudence, and take advantage of c rcuin- 
stances, even to the hazarl of a ijeneral battle. These 
views wer^ concu r 'd in by Duportail, chief cf the engineers, 
and an excelleni officer, and by Generals Greene, Steuben, 
Wayne, and Patterson. Other officers soon yielded their 
assent. Gen. Washington had u.i.fo.mly been induced 
to seek an engagement; and, al hough embarrassed by 
the divided views of his officers, had, w.th a decision of 
character that always dlsiinfju shed him, formed his plans 
alccordingly. He detached Mo gan With his lighthorse (o 
harajss tiie right flank of the enemy, while Maxwell and 
Dickinson annoyed them on the left, and Gen. Cadwallader 
in the rear: (he miin body of the army moved forward to 
Kingston. Sir Henry Clinton, having decided upon the 
route to pursue, commenced his march, on the 25th, on the 
road to Monmouth Coirt-House. Apprised of this. Wash, 
ington detached Gen. Wayne With one thousand select men, 
to join and co-op:^rafe with the corps under Cadwallader, 
Dickinson, and Morgan. Tnese corps now amounting to 
about four thousand men, he resolved, for the purpose of 
simultaneous and important action, to |)lace them under the 
command of a major-general. As the senior officer, next 
in rank to the Commander-in-chief, Gen. Lee was entitled 
to command these advanced de'achments. But, disapprov- 
ing the plans of the Comnander-in-chief, and believing 
and having predicted, their failure, he consented that the 
command should be given to Lafayette, who was willing 
and anxious to accept it. He theref )re proceeded under 
the following instructions, from General Washington : 

" You are immediately to proceed with the detachment command- 
ed by General Poor, and form a junction as expeditiously as possible 
with that under the command of General Scott. You are to use the 
most effectual means for gaining the enemy's left flank and rear, and 
giving them every means of annoyance. All continental parties^, 
that are already on the lines, will be under your command, and you 
will take such measures, in concert with General Dickinson, as will 
cause the enemy the greatest impediment and loss in their march. 
For these purposes you will attack them as occasion may require by 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 87 

detachment, and, if a proper opening should be given, by operating 
against them with the whole force of your command. You will natur- 
ally take such precautions as will secure you ayainst surprise, and 
maintain your communication with this army. Given at Kingston, 
this 25ih day of Jane, 1778." 

In the mean time, Lee hnd repptite'l of hiving declined 
the command. EIcj solicited Lafayetfe to relinquish it ; 
then yielded, sind again solicited. "It is my fortune and 
honor," said he to Lafayette, '^ that are placed in your 
hanils : you are too generous to cau^e the loss of boih." 
Ever nohli- and generous, Lafayette the next day wr.te to 
Gv'^n. Wasjhiniiton from Icetovvn, to which he had advanced, 
and was mak.ng vig.lant preparations for an attack U|)on 
the eufmy : "I want to repeat lo ycm in writing what I 
have told to you, which is, that if you believe it, or if it is 
believed nec' ssary or useful to the good of the service and 
the honor of G. neral Lee, to send him down with a couple 
of thousan i men, or any greater force, 1 will cheeifuUy o')ey 
and j?erve h m, not only out of duly, but out of what [ owe 
to that genthman's chaiacter." On the receipt of this let- 
ter, (June 26.) Gen. Washington wrote to Gen. Lee. "Your 
unea.siness on account of the command of yesterday's de- 
tachment fills me with concern, as it is not in my power fully . 
to remove it without wounding the feelings of the Marquia 
de Lafayette." As an expedient, liouever, which might in 
some mea-ure meet the views of both, he proposed that Lee 
should march towardt the marquis with two additional 
brigail* s ; give him notice that he Was advancing lo j^up- 
fort hi»n, and was, as the senior officer, to have comm indof 
the whole advanced body, <Sz;c. lie w^rote also to L ifay« tte : 
" General Lee's uneasiness on account of yesterday's trans- 
action, rather increasing than abating, and your politeness 
in wis iing to ease him of if, have induced n;e to detach him 
from this army w.th a part of ir, to reinforce, or at least 
cover the several delac'un^en s at present under your com- 
.^and. At the same t.me that I felt for General Lee's d s- 
tress of mind, I have had an eye to your wi&hes. and the 
delicacy of your si.uation ; and have therefore obtained a 
promise from liim, that, when he gives you notice of hia 
approach and command, he w 11 request you to pros; cute 
any plan you may have already concerted for the purpose of 
attacking, or otherwise annoying the enemy. This is the 



88 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

only expedient I couM think ofto answer the views of both. 
General hve seeius satisfied with the measure, and I wish- 
it may prove ngr.eah'e to yi.u, as I am wiih the warmest 
wishes for your honor and Jjlory, and with the sincerest es- 
teem and affection, your.-, &;c." 

To th s arrangement Lufayette yield<^d cheerfully. The 
British army had encamped iipon the hii.'h grounds, about 
Monmouth Court-House, in a stron<r position, secured on 
nearly all sides by woods :ind marshy around. On ascer- 
taining their position, Washington moved forwani with hia 
whole army ; and sent orders to Lee, who was at English- 
town, v\ith the advance, lately comm.-inded by Lafayette, to 
move on and at ack the enemy, " un ess there should be 
very powerful reasons to the contiary." The British army 
set forward on the morning of the28ih. The baguaae was 
placed under the care of Gen. Knyphausen, while the 
strength -.md flower of the army, entirel}f unincumbered, 
formed the rear division, uiidtr the particular command of 
Lord Cornwallis, who was accompanied by Sir Henry Clin- 
ton himself. G*'n. Lee appeared on the Heights of Free- 
town, suon after Cornwallis had left them ; followed the en- 
emy into the phiin, ard niade dispositions for attack. But 
he seems to have vacillated in his plans, as much as be ^^^id, 
done in reference lo taking the command of the detachment. 
He directed Lafayette to cross the phiin, and attack the left 
flank of the ( nemy, by which he was exposed to the fire of 
the English artillery ; and Lee then sent him word to fall 
back into the vilhige in wh ch were placed the rest of the 
troops. Lafayette behaved with the greatest presence of 
mind »nd bravery. A party of British troops having moved 
towards Lee's right flank, and so placed it>elf that Lafay- 
ette thought there was a f»ir opportunity for cutt ng it oflf, 
he rode quickly up to TiCe and sugge.^ted to h'm that an ad- 
vantageous attack might be made in th?it quaiter. " Sir," 
replied Lee, '* Yuu do not know British soldiers ; we can- 
not stand against tiem ; we shall ceitainly be driven back 
at fire-t, and we must be cautious." Lafayette answered, 
thai '^ it might be so, but British soldiers l;ad been beaten, 
and it was to be presumed they might he beaten again, and 
at SLuy rate he was for ms.king the trial." 

After some slight skirmisliing, Lee began to give way, 
with his whole division of five thousand njen, although he 



LIPE OF LAFAYETTE. 86 

knew Gen. Washington, with the entire army, was march- 
ing to his supoort. At the first retrog.ide movement, La. 
fayette sent information to Gen. Washington of wh;.t was 
passing, and that his presence Was extremely important. 
Wasliington rode i-mm^ediately to the sc'/ne of acno/i, when 
he found the troops retreating in confusion. " You know/' 
said Lee, *' that all this was against my advice." General 
Washington replied with much severity. The presence of 
Washington g:ive courage to the troops. With the aid of 
Lafayette, and the ot ler officers, they were rallied, and the 
enemy held in check, until the main body of the An)erican 
army came up. Gen. Washington immediitely made his 
dispositions for a general battle. When the order of battle 
was completed, Gen. Gn^ene commanded the right of the 
first line, Lord Sterling the left, and Lafayette the second 
line. Being warmly opposed in front, the enemy attempt^ 
ed to turn the left flank of the Americans, but were repuls- 
ed. A similar attempt on the right, was resisted with 
equal bravery and success, by the troops with artillery, un- 
der General Greene ; and Gen. Wayne, with a body of in- 
fantry, assailed the enemy, with a hot and well directed 
fire, in front, and compelled them to retire behind a marshy 
ravine, to the ground they had occupied before the begin- 
ning of the batt'e. Dispositions v\^ere m-^de by Gen. Wash= 
ington for attacking the enemy on the right and left, while 
the artillery should advance and play on their front; but 
night coming on, arrested these movements, and put an end 
to the engagement. 

From four o'clock in the morning until night, Lafayette 
had been incessantly active. The heat had been so intense 
that many of the soldiers fell dead merely from its effects. 
Wa--hington and Lafayette passed the night lying on the 
ground upon the same mantle, in the midst of the soldiers, 
talking over the events of the day, and particularly the con- 
duct of Lee, who was next day arrested, and eventually 
tried and convicted by a court-martial, and sentenced to be 
susp'^nded for one year. 

The next morning, it was discovered that the enemy had 
inarched off during the night, and had gained such a posi- 
tion, that from the make of the country it was deemed un« 
advisable to follow them further. The enemy left two hun, 
dred and forty-five non-commissioned officers and privates, 

8* 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



and four officers, on« of whom was Colonel Monckton of 
the grenadiers, dead on the field, and those afterwards 
found and burred by t'le inhfibitar ts increased the number 
of killed to upwar s of tliree liundred. Upwards of one 
hundi'ed were taken prisoners. The number of de;id which 
they buried, and the wounded carried off. could nol be ascer- 
tained. The Americans lost seven officer.*, and fifty-two- 
rank and file killed, and seven officers und one hundred and 
twenty rank and file wounded. 




BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 



Such was the Battle of Monmouth, in which Lafayette, 
although deprived by the caprice of Lee of an hononible 
command, distinguished himself by the greatest valor, 
skill, and devotion. Amidst the intensity of his own du- 
ties, he did not fail to observe v/ith admiration, and after- 
wards to bear testimony to, the brave and skilful conduct 
of the Commander-in-chief, " Washington (he says.) was 
never greater in battle than in this action. His presence 
stopped the retreat ; his arrangements secured the vic(ory. 
His graceful bearing on horseback, his calm and dignified 
deportment, which still retained some trace of the displeas- 
ure he had expressed in the morning, were all calculated 
to excite the highest degree of enthusiasm." 

The British army passed through New Jersey, and en- 
camped in three divisions on Staten Island, York L-land, and 
Long Island. Genr Washington's army marched leisurely. 



LIFE OF LAY AYETTE. 91 

forward, crossefl the North River at King's Ferry, and en- 
camped near White Plains. While the two arm-es were 
miirching from the Delaware to the Hudson, the French 
fleet, tmder the Count D'E^^taing, arrived on the coast. It 
consisted of eleven ships of the line and six fiigates, having 
on board a numerous body of troops, with a supply of arms 
and munitions of war — an accepthble aid to the Americans, 
and the first fru:ts they had derived from the alliance with 
France. Having touche<l at the C.ipes of Delaware (July 7,) 
and finding that the British aimy and fleet had gore to 
New York, Count D'Estiing despatched a frigate up the 
river, with M. Gerard, the first njinisicr from France to the 
United Stutes, and sailed for Sandy Hook, Not being able 
to co-operate with Gi n. Washing'on on a plan proposed by 
him, for vn attack upon the British fleet and army at New 
York, fiom the impracticability, as pronounced by ihe pilots, 
of getiitg his heavy shsps over the bar, the French admiral 
■sailed for Rhode Island, with the design of attacking ihe 
British force of about 5000 men, then stationed at Newport. 
The arrival of the French fleet was a source of gratifi- 
cation to Lafriyettp. He had been desirous, aiid had exerted 
his who'e influence, to induce the French government, not 
only (0 espouse openly the cause of Ameiican independ- 
ence, but to aid it subslantially and efficiently. Geueral 
Washingt( n, thtrelore, conferr-d upon Lafayette an accept- 
able duty, and a new and delicate proof of coifidence, wher^, 
for the purpose of co-operating with the expedi'ion of ihe 
French squsdron again>t the ent my at Rhrde Island, he as- 
signed to him, by an order of 22d July, 1778, the immedi- 
ate command of a detachment of two brigades, M'iih direo- 
lion to march with all convenient speed and by ihe best 
route to Providence, and place himself under the orders of 
Genera! Sullivan, who had the command at that station. 
He concludes the order, by expressing, " the most perfect 
reliance on Lafayette's activity and zeal, and wishing })im 
all the success, honor, and glory that his heart could wish." 
Gen. Greene was soon after sent by Gen. Washington to- 
participate in tlis command, and was the bearer of the 
following exp'anatory letter to Lafayette : 

"Head Quarters, White Plains, 27th July, 1778. 
"Dear Marquis — This will be delivered to you by Mnjor-Generai 
Greene, whose thorough knowledge of Rhode Island, of which he is a 



92 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE « 

native, and the influence he will have with the people, put it in his pow» 
er to be particularly useful in the expedition against that place, as well 
in providing necessaries for carrying it on, as in assisting to form and 
execute a plan of operations proper for the occasion. The honor and 
interest of the common cause are so deeply concerned in the success of 
this enterprise, that it appears to me of the greatest importance to omit 
no step which may conduce to it ; and General Greene, on several ac= 
counts, will be able to render very essential service. 

" These considerations have determined me to send him on the ex- 
pedition, in which, as he could not with propriety act, nor be equally 
useful merely in his official capacity as quartermaster-general, 1 have 
concluded to give him a command in the troops to be employed in the 
descent. I have, therefore, directed General Sullivan to throw all he 
American troops, both continental, state., and militia, in two divisions, 
making an equal distribution of each, to be under the immediate com- 
mand of General Greene and yourself. The continental troops being 
divided in this manner, with the militia, will serve to give them confi- 
dence, and probably make them act better than they would alone. 
Though this arrangement will diminish the number of continental 
troops under you, yet this diminution will be more than compensated 
by the addition of militia ; and I persuade myself your command will 
not be less agreeable, or less honorable, from this change in the dispo- 
sition. I am, with great esteem and affection, dear Marquis, your mo8< 
obedient servant." 

The answer of Lafayette was consistent with the gener- 
ous feelings, the disinterested and patriotic principles, by 
which he vyas ever actuated. 

" I have received your excellency's favor by General Greene, and 
have been much pleased with the arrival of a gentleman who, not only 
on account of his merit and the justness of his views, but also by his 
knowledge of the country and his popularity in this slate, may be very 
serviceable to the expedition. I willing'y part with the half of my de- 
tachment, though I had a great dependance upon them, as you find it 
convenient to the good of the service. Anything, my dear general, yen 
will order, or even wish, shall always be infinitely agreeable to me ; 
and I will always feel happy in doing any thing which may please you, 
or forv/ard the public good. I am of the same opinion as your excel- 
lency, that dividing our continental troops among the militia, will have 
a better effect than if we were to keep them together in one wing." 

In the same letter, he informs Gen. Washington, that he 
had been on board of the admiral's ship, (the French squad- 
ron having arrived off Newport a few days previous ;) that 
the soldiers and sailors on board the fleet were impatient for 
action, and he hoped they would soon be gratified. " Tho 
admiral (he says,) wants me to join the French troops lo 
these I command, as soon as possible. I confess I feel very 
Lappy to think of my co-operating with them, and, had I 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 93" 

contrived in my own nnind a beautifti! dream. I could not 
have wished a more pleasiiifj evt nt tlian my joining; my 
countrymen, with my brothers of America, under my com- 
mand, and the same stand. irds. Whi n 1 left Europe, 1 
was very far from hop ng such an agreeable turn of allkira 
in the i^l.>rious American rtMoluiion." 

In his reply to this letter, (August 10th,) Gen. Washing- 
ton sa.d : 

" The common cause, of which you have been a zealous supporter, 
would, I know, he benefitted by General Gieene's presence at Rhode 
Island, as he is a native of that state, has an interest with the people, 
and a thorough knowledge of the country, and, therefore, I accepted 
his proffered services ; but I was a little uneasy, lest you should con- 
ceive that it was intended lo lessen your command. Geneial Greene 
did not incline to act in a detached part of the army, merely as quar- 
termasrer-general ; nor was it to be expected. It became necessary, 
therefore, to give him a detached command, and consequently to divide 
the continental troops. Your cheeiful acquit scence in the measure, af- 
ter being appointed to the command of the brigades which marched from 
this army, obv ated every difficulty, and gave me singular pleasure. 

" I am very happy to find ihat the standards of Fiance and America 
are likely to be united under your command, at Rhode Island. I am 
persuaded, that the supporteis of each shall be emulous to acquire hon- 
or, and promote your glory, upon this occasion." 



CHAPTER X. 

Operations at Newport. Plans disconcerted. Displeasure of Count 
D'Esraing. British fleet appears. Engagement between the p'rench 
and English fleets. Separated by a storm. The French fleet leturns 
to Boston. Indignation and misundeistandiiig occasioned thereby, 
Lafayette acts as mediator. Repairs to Boston. Harmony rtsiored. 
Action at Newport. Lafayette's hasty return to paiticipate in it. 
The " Retreat of Rhode Island." Lafayette's seivice? on the occa- 
sion appreciated. Resolution of Congiess. Apprcbatoiy letter ot 
Washington. 

But the anticipations of Washington and Lafayette, and 
the Ameiican Congress and people, ol immediate advanta- 
ges t<j their army from the co-opera'ioii of ihe French fleet, 
Were 'o be disappointed. Count D'E.-ta ng had arrived he- 
fore Newport >everal days before the troops from Gen. Wasli- 
ington's army, and other forces destined for the pn j( cted at- 
tack, reached that place, and had concerted with Geneial 



94 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Sullivan the plan of operations. This dday In the arrival 
of the land forces, disconcerted the admiral's plans, and 
with other causes, led to mlsl]nder^t;mdings and the failure 
of ihe expedition. But it was agreed that the French and 
Ameiican forces should land at ilie same time, the 10th of 
August, on the northern extremity of Rhode Island. Four 
thousand French troops were to be landed. On the 8ih, 
preparatory to the aitack, Count D'Estaing, rnteied the 
harbor thiough the middle ch.mnel, wiih his fleet, wi hout 
susrain ng injury from the Brit sh batteries which played 
upon him froui the shore. The preparations for the attack 
being peiceiv:-d by the enem\ , the Biitish tro'ps under Gen. 
Pigot, stationed on the noith et d of ihe island, were with- 
drawn on the night of ihe 8th, into ihe lines at Newport. 
On discovering ihiithe next mornin*:, Gen. Sullivan deem- 
ed it expedient to avail himself of tt, and to lake immediate 
pos-ess on of the works which had been abandoned. lie 
therefore crossed the east passage with his whole army, 
and landed on ti e north end of the island. Admiral 
D'Estaing, according to the authority of Marshall and La- 
fayette, was displeasffi at this movement, deeming it disre- 
spectful that Sullivan should thus lard, without consulting 
him, before the time agreed upon for the joint attack. The 
next day, (the lOth,) SulLvan, Lafa3'ette, and Greene, look- 
ed anxiously for the landing of the French troupe, but in 
vain. A British squadron uni'er Lord H we, having come 
from New York for the re iel of Newport, unexpectedly ap. 
peared off the harbor. • The wind, on the lOth, being fair, 
the French Aduiiral immediately sood out to sea, with his 
whole fleet, with the intent on of giving battle. In the 
mean time he sent word to Gen. Sull.van, promising to co- 
operate with him in the land at ack on his return. Lord 
Howe, to pi event the French jiCtting the weaihergage, also 
weighed anchor, and stoi'd out to sea, followed by the 
French fl et, and Ix.th fleets were soon out of si^ht. The 
two fleets had nianceuvred for two days without coming to 
action ; hut were on the point of engaging, when a severe 
storm arose, which dispersed bo h fleets, and th'-y retired in 
a very shattered con 1 tion, the British to New York, and the 
French again to Newport. 

In the mean while, in expectation of the return of the 
French fleet, the American army marched forward on the 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 95 

fifteenth, took post within two miles of the enemy's liners at 
Newport, comm-nced the er.'Ction of batter es, and in a 
shori time opened a cannonadj against th3 British works. 
The Brit:sh, on their part, were not idle in counter de- 
fence. The A nericui army had suffered much from the 
severity of the late s:orm ; and the reappe iranfe of. the 
French fle.-t on the evening of the 19Lh, inspired joy and 
hope. But th 'se mw expectations wer>^ soo i disa,)point- 
ed. Co mt D'Estaing adv sed G^n. Sullivan of his inten- 
tion to retire witli his fl3et to Bjston, to i-epair. This 
communii-ation created much excitem3iit in ihe American 
camp; for without the co-opera'ion of the French fleet, 
it wa-; believed the arm;/ would be compelled to re'ire 
without ertecting its o'>ject. By direction of General Sul- 
livan, Greene and Lafayette repaired on board ths adinii ai's 
ship, and used every arg iment to induce him to change 
his determination, and co-operate in an immediate atiack, 
according to the previo is plan, or any other that might 
be deemed expedient. But by the almost unanimous ad- 
vice of the offieyrs, and conceiving that his instructions 
which directed him to sail for Boston, sho ild his fleet meet 
with any disaster, or should a superior British fleet appear 
on the coast, were iraper.itive, he persisted in his determin- 
ation. He offered, however, to place his two battalions of 
troops under the command of Lafayette; an offer which, 
for pruiential reasons, the latter did not feel authorized to 
accept. 

After the return of Lafayette and Greene, Gen. Sullivan, 
unwilling to yield a point which he deemed so important, 
wrote again to Count D'Estaing, to induce hirn to change 
his determination. His letter was accompanied by a pro- 
test, which was signed by all the A-nerican general officers 
on the islmd, with the exception of Laf lyette. He refused 
to sign it on account of som3 expressions which he consid- 
ered derogatory to his countryjnen, and calculated to give 
offence to the French admiral. Such wis the result of 
this ill-timed measure ; and the admiral sailed for Boston 
without further delay. 

The departure of the French fleet was the cause of deep 
disappointment to the Americtn army. Under the impulse 
of feelings thus excited, expressions of censure were indulg- 
ed in, which served to increase the jealousies and distjen- 



95 LIFE OF LAFAYEtrE. 

sion-? that had unfortunately arisen ; and which Count 
D'Estaing, in his via licatory letters to Congress, proved to 
be as unjust, as they C3rtain!y were impol.tie. Gen. Sul- 
livan, participating in the leelin^s of the moment, in a gen- 
eral or.ler vv.iich he issued, used an expression well calcu- 
lated to aggravate ihe irri'ated feelings of the French offi- 
cers — t'le purport of w.iich was, that ihe Amer.cans were 
abandoned by their aL'ies* The spirited remonstrances of 
Lafayette, and his own mature sense of justici^, procured 
froji Gan. Sullivan the following explanatory order : 

" It having been supposed, by some persons, that by the orders of the 
21gt instant, the Commander-in-chief meant to insinuate that the de- 
parture of the fleet was owing to a fixed determination not to assist in 
the present enterprise, and that, as the gsneral did not wish to give the 
least color to ungenerous and illiberal minds to make such an unfair 
interpretation, he thinks it necessary to say, that as he could not possi*- 
bly be acqaainted with the orders of the French admiral, he could not 
determine whether the removal of the fleet was absolutely necessary or 
not ; and, therefore, did not mean to censure aa act which those or- 
ders might render absolutely necessary." 

The feelings of d ssit'sfiction were no less s rong at 
Boston, and it was apprehended that the recej)tion of the 
French fleet in that harbor would be far from cordial, and 
that the necessary means of repairing and supplying it with 
prov sions would he withheld. Governor Hancock, there- 
fore, who was on Rho le Iskind wiih the Massachusett's mi- 
litia, repaired to Boston, for the purpose of preventing all ir- 
ritating causes, and securing to the fleet a friendly reception. 

Tiiese difficulties and diss'^nsions were liighly painful to 
Lafayette. He feit naturally for the honor of his conn- 
trymen, and was anxious to preserve a friendly relation, 
and to bring about an efficient co operation, between them 
and the Americiin patriots. He addressed, (August 2ist,) 
a long letter to Gen. Washington, detailing the circum- 
stances which had occurred. He vindicates the course of 
Coinit D'Estaing, from the necessity, owing to his position 
at Newport between the British fleet and the land batteries, 
of seeking, in the open ssa, an engagement with the ene- 



* The expression most offensive was this : " the general yet hopca 
the event will prove America able to procure that by her own arms, 
Vriich her allies refuse to assist in obtaining." See Sparks' Writings 
6/ JVashinjton, Vol. 6, p. 46-7, &c. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 97 

my's fleet, the shattered condition of his ships after the 
storm, in which one was supposed to be lost and others were 
dismasied, and hi::) positive orders, with the decision of his 
officers, under suclr circumstances to repair to Boston. He 
complains, al^o, o^ the unjust censures and illiberal remarks 
to which the common disappointioent had given rise towards 
his countrymen, so much cilcuhitd to destroy the harmony 
between the m litary forces of the iwo nations. In three 
weeks, he says, the fleet will be repaired, when he '' will be 
happy io see it co-operating with General Washington 
himsdif." He concludes as follows: — - 

" I think I shall be forced, by the board of general oflicers, to go 
soon to Boston. That I will do as soon as requ.red, though with re- 
luctance, for I do not believe that our position on this part of the isl- 
and is without danger ; but my principle is to do everything which is 
thought good for the service. I have very often rode express to the 
fieet, to the frigates, and that I assure you, with the greatest pleasure ; 
on the other hand, I may perhaps be useful to the fleet. Perhaps, too, 
it will be in the power of the count to do something which might sat- 
isfy them. I wish, my dear general, j'-ou could know, as well as my- 
self, how desirous the Count D'Estaing i^ to forward the pablic good, 
to help your success, and to serve the cause of America. 

•' I earnestly beg you will recommend to the several chief persons 
of Boston to do everything they can to put the French fleet in a situa- 
tion for sailing soon. Give me leave to add, that I wish many people, 
by the declaration of your sentiments in that affair, could learn how to 
regulate theirs, and blush at the sight of your generosity. 

" You will find my letter immense. I began it one day and finished 
it the next, as my time was swallowed by those eternal councils of war. 
I shall iiave the pleasure of writing you from Boston. I am afraid the 
Count D'Estaing will have felt to the quick the behavior of the people 
on this occasion. You cannot conceive how distressed he was to be 
prevented from serving this country for some time. I do assure you 
his circumstances were very critical and distressing. 

" For my part, my sentiments are known to the v/orld. My tender 
affection for General Washington is added to theni ; therefore I want 
no apologies for writing upon what has afflicted me both as an Ameri- 
can and as a Frenchman. 

" I am much obliged to you for the care you are so kind as to take 
of that poor horse of mine ; had he not found such a good stable ns 
tills at Head Quarters, he would have cut a pitiful figure at the end of 
his travels, and I should have been too happy if there had remained eo 
much of the horse as the bones, the skin, and the four shoes. 

" Farewell, my dear General; whenever I quit you, I meet with 
some disappointment and misfortune. I did not need it to desire see- 
ing you as much as possible. With the most tender affection and high 
regard, I have the honor to be, &c. 

'' Dear General, — I must add to my letter, that I have received 

9 



98 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

one from General Greene, very different, from the expressions I have 
to complain of; he stems there very sensible of what I feel. I am ve- 
ry happy when placed in a situation to do justice to any one. 

To this letter General Washington r(?^lied : — 

" White Plains, 1st September, 1778. 
" My Dear Marquis— I have been honored with your favor of the 
35th ultimo by Monsieur Pontgibaud, and I wish my time, which at 
present is taken up by a committee of Congress, would permit me to 
go fully into the contents of it ; this, however, it is not in my power to 
do ; but in one word let me say, I feel every thing that hurts the sensi- 
bility of a gentleman, and consequently, upon the present occasion, I 
feel for you and for your good and great allies the French. I feel my- 
self hurt, also, at every illiberal and unthinking reflection which may 
have been cast upon the Count D'Estaing, or the conduct of the fleet 
under his command ; and, lastly, 1 feel for my country. Let me en- 
treat you, i.herefore,my dear Marquis, to take no exception at unmean- 
ing expressions, uttered perhaps, without consideration, and in the first 
transport of disappointed hope. Every body, sir, who reasons, will ac- 
knowledge the advantages which we have derived from the French 
fleet, and the zeal of the commander of it ; but in a free republican gov- 
ernment, you cannot restrain the voi«e of the multitude ; every man 
will speak as he thinks, or, more properly, without thinking, and con- 
sequently will judge at effects without attending to the causes. The 
censures which have been levelled at the officers of the French fleet 
would, more than probably, have fallen in a much higher degree upon 
a fleet of our own, if we had one in the same situation. It is the na- 
ture of man to be displeased with everything that disappomts a favor- 
ite hope, or flattering project ; and it is the folly of too many of them 
to condemn without investigating circumstances. 

*' Let me beseech you, therefore, my good sir, to afford a healing 
hand to the wound that, unintentionally has been made. America es- 
teems your virtues and your services, and admires the principles upon 
which you act ; your countrymen, in our army, look up to you as their 
patron ; the count and his officers consider you as a man high in rank, 
and high in estimation here and also in France ; and I, your friend, 
have no doubt but you will use your utmost endeavors to restore har- 
mony, that the honor, the glory, and the mutual interest of the two na- 
tions may be promoted and cemented in the firmest manner. I would 
say more on the subject, but am restrained for want of time, and there- 
fore shall only add, that with every sentiment of esteem and regard, I 
am> my dear marquis, &lc." 

The same day, Gen. Washington wrote also to Sullivan 
and Greene, urginor them to use every means to suppress 
the jealousies and feuds which had arisen. To Greene, he 
says : 

" I depend much upon your aid and influence to conciliate that an- 
imosity which I plainly perceive, by a letter from the marquiSj 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 99 

subsists between the American officers and the French in our service ; 
this, you may depend, will extend itself to the count, and to the officers 
and men of his whole fleet, should they return to Rhode Island, un- 
less, upon their arrival there, they find a reconciliation has taken 
place. The marquis speaks kindly qf a letter from you to him on the 
subject ; he will therefore take any advice coming from you in a friend- 
ly light ; and if he can be pacified, the other French gentlemen wilt 
of course be satisfied, as they ali look up to him as their head. The 
marquis grounds his complaint upon a general order of the 24th of 
August, the latter part of which is certainly very impolitic, especially 
considering the universal clamor that prevailed against the French na- 
tion. 

" I beg you will take every measure to keep the protest entered into 
by the general officers from being made public. The Congress, sensi- 
ble of the ill consequences that will flow from the world's knowing our 
differences, have passed a resolve to that purpose. Upon the whole, my 
dear sir, you can conceive my raeaning better than I can express it j 
and I therefore fully depend upon your exerting yourself to heal all pri- 
vate animosities between our principal officers and the French, and to 
prevent all illiberal expressions and reflections that may fall from the 
army at large." 

As hope was still entertained of procuring timely aid from 
Count D'Estaing, General Sullivan raised the siege of New- 
port, and returned to the north side of the island ; and La- 
fayette repaired to Boston, to conciliate the difficulties 
which had arisen, and induce the required co-operation. 
After travelling all night, he arrived just as the count and 
his officers were entering Boston to attend a public dinner 
given to them by the municipal and military authorities. 
This repast was followed by a council, in which the exer- 
tions and influence of Lafayette, highly respected as he 
was bot'i by his countrymen and the Americans, contribu- 
ted to the ultimate and speedy restoration of those friendly 
feelings which had heen so seriouly interrupted. In that 
conference. Count D'Estaing demonstrated the impractica- 
bility of repairing to N».'wport with his fleet, in its then crip- 
pled condition, but offered to march iinmediiitely himself 
with his troops. The next morning, however. Lafayette re- 
ceived information, that General Sullivan, in the course of 
his movements the day previous, (August 29,) had been at- 
tacked by the enemy ; that the two armies were warmly en- 
giged, and th it C inton had arrived with reinforcements to 
"the British. He immediately started, travelled eighty miles 
in It^ss than eight hours, and arrived at Rowland's Ferry, 
just as the American army was crossing it. The rear- 



100 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



guard of a thousand men, and picket*, were still on the 
island, surroumied by the enemy : to these Lrifayitte re- 
paired, tnok charge of them, and brought them off without 
the lossofa man. The previous part of tlie engagerrK nt and 
retreat had been conducted by Suliivan wiih great skill and 
bravery. 




Lafayette had previously advised a retreat. He had giv- 
en his opinion to Gen. Sullivan, in vviiiing, on the 24th of 
August, as follows : " I do not approve of eimtinuing the 
siege. The lime of the militia is out, and ihey will not 
longer sacrifice their private interest to the comman cause. 
A retreat is the wisest step." But, he regreited much not 
being present during the whole of the engagement. To 
General Washiigton, Sept. 1st, he says: " My dear Gen- 
eral, — that there has been an action fought, where I could 
have been, and where I was not, is a thing which will seem 
as extiaordinary to you as it seems to myself." " There 
(to Boston,) I had been sent, pushed, hurried, by ihe board 
of general officers, and principally by generals ISullivan and 
Greene, who thought I shou'd he of great use to the com- 
mon cause, and to whom I foretold the d sagretable event 
which would happen to me. I felt on that occasion, ihe 
impression of that bad star, which ^ome days ag«, has influ- 
enced the French undei takings, and which, I hope, will soon 
be removed. People say that I don't want an action ; but 
if it is not necessary to my reputation as a tolerable private 
soldier, it would at least add to my satisfaction and pleas- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 101 

ure." He speaks in high terms of the conduct of Sullivan 
in the engagennent and retreat, and gives an account of the 
favorable result of his visit to the Count D'Estaing at 
Boston : 

" I am now, (he says,) entrusted, by General Sullivan, with the care 
of Warren, Bristol, and the eastern shore. I am to defend a country 
with very few troops who are not able to defend more than a single 
point, I cannot answer that the enemy won't go and do what they 
please, for I am not able to prevent them, only with a part of their ar- 
my, and yet this part must not land far from me ; but I answer, that if 
they come with equal or not very superior forces to those I may collect, 
we shall flog them pretty well : at least, I hope so. My situation seems 
to be uncertain, for we expect to hear soon from your excellency. You 
know Mr. Touzard, a gentleman of my family — he met with a terrible 
accident in the last action ; running before all the others, to take a piece 
of cannon in ihe midst of the enemy, with the greatest excess of brave- 
ry, he was immediately covered with their shots, had his horse killed, 
and his right arm shattered to pieces. He was happy enough not to 
fall into their hands : his life is not despaired of Congress was going 
to send him a commission of major. 

" Give me joy, my dear general, I intend to have your picture, and 
Mr. Hancock has promised me a copy of that he has in Boston. He 
gave one to Count D'Estaing, and I never saw a man so glad at possess- 
ing his sweetheart's picture, as the admiral was to receive yours." 

The zeal and services of Lafayette on these occasions, 
were justly appreciated by Congress and the Commander, 
in-chief. By a resolution of September 9ih, the President" 
of Congress was especially requested " to inform the Mar- 
quis de Lafayette, that Congress have a due sense of the 
sacrifice he made of his personal feelings in undertaking a 
journey to Boston, with a view of promoting the interests of 
these States, at a time when an occasion was daily expec- 
ted of acquiring glory in the field ; and that his gallantry 
in going on Rhode Island when the greatest part of the ar- 
my had retreated, and his good conduct in bringing oW the 
pickets and out-sentries, deserve their particular approba- 
tion." This resolution was conveyed to Lafayette, accom- 
panied by the following letter : 

" Philadelphia, 13th September, 1778. 
"Sir — I am sensible of a particular degree of pleasure in executing 
the order of Congress, signified in their act of the 9th instant, which 
will be enclosed with this, expressing the Sf^ntiments of the representa- 
tives of the United Slates of America, of your high merit on the late 
expedition against Rhode Island. You will do Congress justice. 
Sir, in receiving the present acknowledgment as a tribute of the re- 

9* 



102 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

epect and gratitude of a free people. I have the honor to be, with vs" 
ry great respect and esteem. Sir, your obedient and most humble ser- 
vant." Henry Laurens, President. 

To this communication Lafayette made a feeling reply. 

"Whatever pride (he wrote) suchanapprobationmay justly give me, 
I am not less affected by the feelings of gratefulness, and the satisfac° 
tion of thinking my endeavors were ever looked on as useful to a cause, 
in which my heart is so deeply interested. Be so good, Sir, as (o pre- 
sent to Congress my plain and hearty thanks, with a frank assurance of 
a candid attachment, the only one worth being offered to the lepresen- 
tativesotafroe people. The moment I heard of America, I loved her; 
the moment I knew she was fighting for freedom, I burnt with a desire 
of bleeding for her ; and the moment I shall be able to serve her, at any 
time, or in any part of the world, will be the happiest one of my life. I 
never so much wished tor occasions of deserving those obliging senti- 
ments with which I am honored by these states and their jepresenta lives, 
and that flattering confidence they have been pleased to put in me, has fill» 
ed my heart with the warmest acknowledgements and eternal affection." 

The expressions of approbation by General Washington, 
were no less ardent than those of Congress, and breathe 
the language of friend>hip as well as of patriotism. Under 
date of Sept. 25th, he says : 

** The sentiments of affection and attachment, which breathe so con- 
spicuously in all your letters to me, are at once pleasing and honora- 
ble, and afford me abundant cause to rejoice at the happiness of my ac- 
quaintance with you. Your love of liberty, the just sense you entertain 
of this valuable blessing, and your noble and disinterested exertions in 
the cause of it, added to the innate goodness of your heart, conspire to 
render you dear to me ; and I think myself happy in being linked with 
you in bonds of the strictest friendship." 

" The ardent zeal which you have displayed during the whole course 
of the campaign to the eastward, and your endeavors to cherish harmony 
among the officers of the allied powers, and to dispel those unfavorable 
impressions which had begun to take place in the minds of the unthink- 
ing, from misfortunes, which the utmost stretch of human foresight could 
not avert, deserved, and now receive, my particular and warmest thanks, 
I am sorry for Monsieur Touzard'sloss of an arm in the action on Rhode 
Island ; and offer my thanks to him, through you, for his gallant beha- 
vior on that day. 

" Could I have conceived that my picture had been an object of your 
wishes, or in the smallest degree worthy of your attention, I should, 
while M. Peale was in ihe camp at Valley Forge, have got him to take 
the best portrait of me he could, and presented it to you ; but I really 
had not so good an opinion of my own worth, as to suppose that such 
a compliment would not have been considered as a greater instance of 
my vanity, than means of your gratification ; and therefore, when you 
requested me to sit to Monsieur Lanfan ■-, I thought it was only to ob- 
tain the outlines and a few shades of my features, to have some prints 
Blnick from." 



tlTE OP LAFAYETTE. 103 



CHAPTER Xr. 

Lafayette watches the enemy on Rhode Island. New difficulties be* 
tween the French and Americans. Reconciled by Lafayette. His 
anxiety for more active operations. Projects for that purpof=e. Can- 
ada expedition discouraged by Washington. Lafayette decides to 
visit France. Insulting langiaage of the British commissioners. 
Lafayette resents it, and proposes challenging Lord Carlisle. Gen, 
Washington and Count D'Esta'ng endeavor to dissuade him there- 
from. Challenge sent and declined. Lafayette prepares for his voy- 
age. Correspondence with Gen. Washington and Congress. Grate- 
ful testimonials and acknowledgements. Lafayette leaves Philadel- 
phia for Boston. His dangerous illness at Fishkill — attended by 
Doct. Cochrane. Kindness of General W^Jishington. Visit of Dr. 
Thatcher. Lafayette recovers — takes leave of W^ashington, and pur- 
sues his journey. His eloquent tribute to the character of Washing- 
ton. Detention at Boston. The proposed Canada expedition final- 
ly rejected by Congress. Lafayette's farewell letter to General 
Washington. Sails for France. 

Lafayette continued for several weeks in the duties as- 
signed iiim, of watchin^ the enemy's motions, near Bristol, 
His force was not sufficient to prevent those depredations 
which were then being committed by marauding parlies of 
the British army upon the inhabitants of the defenceless 
eastern town. His own situation was often critical. In 
the mean time, new difficu'ties had arisen between the 
French and Americans at Boston. A. violent affray had 
occurred between a party of each, on the 13th of Septem- 
ber, in which the French were overpowered, and the Chev- 
alier de Snint Sauveur, a gallant and worthy officer, lost 
his life. The authorities of Boston took prompt measures 
to ascertain and punish the ringleaders of the outrage, who 
were supposed to be, not American citizens, but English 
prisoners and deserters. Lafayette again became media- 
tor, and harmony and mutual confidence were once more 
restored. 

But, Lafayette was anxious for more active employment, 
and a wider field of operations. Writing to Madame Lafay^ 
ette, he said : " Half the Americans say that I am passion- 
ately fond of my country, and the other half say that, since 



104 LIfE OF LAFAYETte. 

the arrival of the French ships, I have become mad, and 
that I neither eat nor drink, nor sleep, but according to the 
winds that blow. Betwixt ourselves they are a little in the 
right : I never felt so strongly what may be called national 
pride." To Gen. Washington, (Sept. 7th,) he says : " I am 
told that the enemy is going to evacuate New York. My 
policy leads me to believe that some troops will be sent to 
Halifax, to the West Indies, and to Canada ; that Canada, 
I apprehend, will be your occupation next winter and 
spring. Tiie idea, my dear General, alters the plan I had 
to make a voyage home, some months hence ; however, as 
lonoj as you fiijht, I want to fight along with you, and I 
much desire to see your excellency in Canada next sum- 
mer." His thoughts were also turned to European opera- 
tions, to a project wh'ch then began to be seriously enter- 
tained in France. Writing to his father-in-law, the Duke 
D'Ayen, (Sept. 11,) he says : " You must feel how impos- 
sible it is for ms to ascertain when I can return to you. I 
s!iall be guided entirely by circumstances. My great ob- 
ject in wishing to return, was the idea of a descent upon 
England. I should consider myself as almost dishonored, if 
I were not present at such a moment. I should feel so much 
regret and shame, that I should be tempted to drown or 
hang myself, according to the English mode. My grestest 
happiness would be to drive them from this country, and 
then to repair to England, serving under your command. 
This is a very delightful project ; God grant it may be re- 
alized !" And to Gen. Washington, (Sept. 25.) he again 
expresses his desire for action. " I long much, (he writes,) 
my dear general, to be again with you, our separation has 
been long enough, and I am here as inactive as any where 
else. My wish, and that you will easily conceive, had been 
to co-operate with the French fleet. I don't know now what 
they will do. The admiral has written to me upon many 
plans, and does not seem well fixed on any scheme ; he 
burns with the desire of striking a blow, and is not yet de- 
termined how to accomplish it. He wrote me, that he- 
wanted to see me, but I cannot leave my post, lest some- 
thing might happen : it has already cost dear enough to me. 
However, if you give me leave, I'll ask this of Gen. Salli- 
van, and will do what I think best for both countries." 
To this proposed visit Gen. Washington assented. Its prio=- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 105 

cipal object, doubtless, was to consult with Count D'Estaing 
on tlio subject of an expediiion against Canada, to which 
the consent of Congress and of the French government was to 
be obtained. At the same time, and in the letter last quoted,. 
Washington expressed his opinion against such an expedi- 
tion. " If you have entertained thoughts, (he says,) my 
dear Marquis, of paying a visit to your court, to your lady, 
and to your frie^ ds, this winter, but waver on account of 
an expedition into Canada, friendship induces me to tell 
you, that I do not conceive that the prospect of such an op. 
eration is so favorable at this time as to cause you to change 
your views." Brief reasons are given for this conclusion, 
and Gen. Washington adds : " In a word, the chances are 
so much against the undertaking, that they ought not to in- 
duce you to lay aside your oiher purposes, in the prosecu- 
tion of which you shall have every aid, and carry wiih you 
every honorable testimony of my regard and entire appro- 
bation of your conduct that you can wish. But, it is a 
compliment which is due, so I am persuaded you would not 
dispense with the l^orm of signifying your desires to Con- 
gress on the subject of your voyage i^nd absence." 

While at Boston on the visit to Count D'Es'aing, La- 
fayette made up his mind to return to France. Anxious to 
render this proposed visit subservient to the interests of 
America, and not having yielded the hope of an ultimate 
attack upon Canada, he asked and obtained leave to repair 
to Head Quarters, to consult with Gen. Washington upon 
the subject. An affair of a different nature, also, about this 
time enfjjafjed his attention. The British commissioners, 

ore ' 

in their correspondence with Congress, had charged the 
French nation with " a perfidy too universally acknowl- 
edged to require any proof" The French officers consid- 
ered this an insult which ought to be resented by them ; and 
Lafayette, as the highest officer, deemed himself honorably 
bound to carry their views into effect. The communica- 
tion containing the offen.>ive expression, was signed by all 
the British commissioners, but Lord Carlisle's name stood 
first, as President of the Board. Lafayette, therefore, con- 
ceived the project of sending him a challenge, and in a letter 
of Sept. 24, he stated the case to Gen. Washington, and ask- 
ed his opinion on the subject. The reply is interesting, 
not only as relates to the occasion itself, but as exhibiting 



106 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

the opinion of Gen. Washington adverse to the practice of 
duellinoj : 

"Fishkill, 4th October, 1118. 
" Mt deau Marquis, — I have had the pleasure of receiving, by the 
hands of Monseur de la Colombe, your favor of the 28th ultimo, ac- 
companied by one of the 24th, which he overtook somewhere on the 
road. The leave requested in the former, I am as much interested to 
grant, as to refuse my approbation of the challenge proposed in the 
latter. The generous spirit of chivalry, exploded by the rest of the 
world, finds a refuge, my dear friend, in the sensibility of your nation 
only. But it is in vain to cherish it, unless you can find antagonists to 
support it ; and, however well adapted it might have been to the times 
in w.iich it existed, in our days, it is to be feared, that your opponent, 
sheltering himself behind modern opinions, and under his present pub- 
lic character of commissioner, would turn a virtue of such ancient date 
into ridicule. Besides, supposing his lordship accepted your terms, ex- 
perience has proved that chance is often as much concerned in deciding 
these matters as bravery, and always more than the justice of the 
cause. I would not, therefore, have your life by the remotest possibili- 
ty, exposed, when it may be reserved for so many greater occasions. 
His excellency, the admiral, I flatter myself, will be in sentiment with 
me ; and, as soon as he can spare you, will send you to Head Quarters, 
where I anticipate the pleasure of seeing you." 

To this letter, Lafayette having returned to Head Quar- 
ters, Washington added personal persuasions. Caunt 
D'Estaing coincided in his views, and in an interesting cor- 
respondence, they expressed mutual anxiety to prevent the 
contemplctted meeting. Lafayette, however, deeming him- 
self pledfred to his brother officers, actually sent n challenge 
to Lord Carlisle. The result was such as Washington had 
anticipated. His Lordship declined the challenge, upon 
the ground that he did not consider himself personally re- 
sponsible for expressions used in an official capacity. At a 
subsequent period, in a note to one of his manuscripts, La- 
fayette says, " Lord Carlisle refused, and he was li^ht ;" 
and seems to admit, that he ought to have Ibllowed Wash- 
ington's advice. 

From Head Quarters, Lifayette repaired to Pliiladelphia, 
and addressed the following letter to the President of Con- 
gress : 

" Philadelphia, 13th October, 1778. 
" Sir — Whatever care I should take not to employ the precious time 
of Congress in private considerations, I beg leave to lay before them my 
present circumstances, with that confidence which naturally springs 
from affection and gratitude. The sentiments which bind me to my 
country, can never be more properly spoken of than in the presence 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 107 

of men who have done so much for their own. As long as I thought I 
could dispose of myself, I made it my pride and pleasure to fight under 
American colors, in defence of a cause, which I dare more particularly 
call ours, because I had the good fortune to bleed for it. Now, sir, 
that France is involved in a war, I am urged by a sense of duty, as 
well as by patriotic love, to present myself before the king, to know 
in what manner he may judge proper lo employ my services. The 
most agreeable of all will be such as may enable me always to serve 
the common cause among those whose friendship I have the happiness 
to obtain, and whose fortune I have had the honor to follow in less 
smiling times. That reason, and others, which I leave to the feelings 
of Congress, engage me to beg from them the liberty of going home for 
the next winter. 

" As long as there was any hopes of an active campaign, I did not 
think of leaving the field. Now that I see a very peaceable and undis- 
turbed moment, 1 take this opportunity of waiting on Congress. In 
case my request is granted, I shall so manage my departure as to be 
certain before going off that the campaign is really over. Inclosed you 
will find a letter from his excellency General Washington, where he 
expresses his assent to my getting leave of obsence. 1 dare flatter my- 
self, that I shall be looked upon as a soldier on furlough, who most 
heartily wants to join again his colors, and his most esteemed and be- 
loved fellow-soldiers. In case it is thought that I can be in any way 
useful to the service of America, when I shall find myself among my 
countrymen, and in case any exertion of mine is deemed serviceable, I 
hope, sir, I shall always be considered as a man who is deeply interest- 
ed in the welfare of the United States, and who has the most perfect 
affection, regard, and confidence for their representatives. With the 
highest regard, I have the honor to be, &c. 

"Lafayette." 

The letter of Gen. Washington, referred to in the forego- 
ing, speaks in the highest terms of Lafiiyette, of his servi- 
ces, and his motive in returning to France. It recommtj'nds, 
that leave of absence be granted to Lafayette on furlough. 
" A reluctance (Gen. Washington added) to part with an 
officer, who unites to all the military fire of youth an un- 
common maturity of judgement, would lead me to prefer his 
being absent on this footing, if it depended upon me. I shall 
always be happy to give such a testirnony of his services, 
as his bravery and conduct on all occasions entitle him to ; 
and I have no doubt that Congress will add suitable ex- 
pressions of their sense of his merit, and their regret on ac- 
count of his departure. '^ 

Congress complit^d promptly with the request of Lafay- 
ette, and accompanied their assent with the moat just and 
flattering expressions of gratitude and respect. These 



iOB LIFE OF LAFAYETfE; 

were officially communicated to him in the followirig letter 
from the President of Congress : 

"Philadelphia, 24th Octcber, 1778. 

•' Sir— I had the honor of presenting to Congress your letter, solicit- 
ing leave of absence, and I am directed by the house to express their 
thanks for your zeal in promoting that jusi cause in which they are en- 
gaged, and for the disinterested services you have rendered to the Uni- 
ted States of America. In testimony of the high esteem and affection 
in w^hich you are held by the good people of those states, as vi'ell as in 
acknowledgment of your gallantry and military talents, displayed on 
many signol occasions, their reprt-sentatives in Congress assembled have 
ordered an elegant sword to be presented to you by the American 
minister at the court of Versailles. 

** Enclosed within the present cover will be found an act of Congress, 
of the 21st instant, author zing these declarations, and granting a fur- 
lough for your return to France, to be extended at your own pleasure. 
I pray God to bless and protect you, Sir ; to conduct you in safety to 
the presence of your prince, and to the re-enjoyment of your family and 
friends. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, and with the 
most sincere aflection, Sir, your most obedient and most humble ser- 
vant, Henry Laukens, President. 

" 1778. In Congress, October 21st. — Resolved, That the Marquis 
de Lafayette, major-general in the service of the United States, have 
leave to go to France, and that he return at such time as shall be most 
convenient to him. 

•' ReBolved that the President write a letter to the Marquis de Lafay- 
ette, returning him the thanks of Congress for that disinterested zeal 
which led him to America, and for the services he has rendered to the 
United States by the exertion of his courage and abilities on many sig- 
nal occasions. 

" Resolved, That the minister plenipotentiary of the United States of 
America at the court of Versailles, be directed to cause an elegant 
sword, with proper devices, to be made, and presented in. the name of 
the United States to the Marquis de Lafayette. 

" October 22d. — Resolved, That the following letter of recommenda- 
tion of the P»Iarquis de Lafayette be written to the King of France : — 

" To our great, faithful, and beloved friend and ally, Louis the Six- 
teenth, king of France and Navarre : 

" The Marquis de Lafayette having obtained our leave to return to 
his native country, we could not suffer him to depart without testifying 
our deep sense of his zeal, courage, and attachment. We have ad- 
vanced him to the rank of major-general in our armies, which, as well 
by his prudent as spirited conduct, he has manifestly merited. We re- 
CQmmend this young nobleman to your majesty's notice, as one whom 
w^e know to be wise in council, gallant in the field, and patient under 
the hardships of war. His devotion to his sovereign has led him in all 
things to demean himself as an American, acquiring thereby the confi- 
■dence of these United States, your good and faithful frielids and allies. 



LII"B OF LAFAYETTE. 109 

and the affection of their citizens. We pray God to keep your majesty 
in his holy protection. 

•' Done at Philadelphia, the 22nd day of Octoberi 1778, the Congress 
of the United States of North America, your good friends and al- 
lies. Henry Laurens^ President." 

These testimonials of Congress were acknowledged by 
Lafayette in the most feeling manner. 

*■' Nothing can make rhe happier (he says) than the reflection that 
my services have met with their approbation ; the glorious testimonial 
of confidence and satisfaction repeatedly bestowed on me by the repre- 
sentatives of America, though superior to my merit, cannot exceed the 
grateful sentiments they have excited. I consider the noble present of- 
fered to me in the name of the United States as the most flattering hon- 
or ; it is my most fervant desire "soon to employ that sword in their ser- 
vice against the cohirtion enemy of my country, and of their faithful 
and beloved allies. 

" That liberty, safety, wealth, and concord, may ever extend to the 
United State's, is the ardent wish of a heart glowing with a devoted 
zeal and unbounded love, and the highest regard and the most sincere 
affection for thefir representatives." 

Equally favorable to Lafayette, was the testimonial of 
M. Gerard, the French minister in this country. Writing 
(October, 1778,) to Count de Vergerines, minister of foreign 
affairs in France, he said : 

"I ought not to terminate this long despatch, without rendering to 
the wisdom and dexterity of the Marquis de Lafayette, in the part he 
has taken in these discussions, the justice which is due to his merits. 
He has given most salutary counsels, authorized by his friendship and 
experience. The Americans have strongly solicited his return with the 
troops which the king may send. He has replied with a due sensibili- 
ty, but with an entire resignation to the will of the king. I cannot for- 
bear saying, that the conduct, equally prudent, courageous, and amia- 
ble, of the Marquis de Lafayette, has made him the idol of the Congress, 
the arriiy, aft d the people of America. A high opinion is entertained 
of his military talents. You know how little I am inclined to adula- 
tion ; but I should be wanting in justice, if I did not transmit to you 
these testimonials, which are here in the mouth of the whole world." 

Thus honored and respected, after an arduous and glo.. 
rious service of fifteen months in the cause of America, La^ 
fayette left Philadelphia on horseback for Boston. The 
Alliance, a fine frigate of thirty-six guns, had been assigned 
by Congress, to bear the adopted son of America to the 
land of his nativity. And how justly, in reference to this 
period, has Marshall remarked;- " The partiality of Amer- 
ica for Lafayette was w^il placed. Never di-J a foreigner, 

10 



no LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

whose primary attachments to his own country remained 
undiminished, feel more solicitu le for the welfare of anoth- 
er, than WHS unceasingiy manifested by this young noble- 
man, for the United States." 

The fatiguing journeys and over-exertions that he had 
gone through, the painful excitement which he had expe- 
rienced from the difficulties at Rhode Island and B jston, and 
the no less exciting, yet less painful, scenes at Philadelphia, 
of conferences in relation to military affairs, and the more 
important purposes of his return to France, together with 
the social festivities and public manifestations of respect, to 
which he was, in " killing kindness" subjected, had seri- 
ously impaired the health of Lafayette. Every where, in 
the progress of his journey, too, which he performed on 
horseback in an inclement and rainy season, feasts and en- 
tertainments were prepared for him by the inhabitants, in 
which he could not avoid participating. When, therefore, 
he reached Fishkill, about eight miles from Gen. Washing- 
ton's camp, he was obliged to yield to the violence of an 
inflamatory fever. For three weeks he was confined here. 
His life for a time was despaired of. A report went abroad 
that he was actually dead, which occasioned great regret 
in the army, where he was called the soldier^ s friend. The 
people, too, every where manifested deep anxiety for the 
fate of The Marquis, the name by which he was in popular 
phrase designated. Lafayette, also, at one time thought 
himself dying. Speaking afterwards of his feelings on the 
occasion, he remarks, that " he regretted that he could not 
hope again to see his country and the dearest object of his 
affections. Far from foreseeing the happy fate that await- 
ed him ; he would willmgly have exchanged his future 
chance of life, although but one and twenty years of age, 
for the certainty of living but for three months, on condition 
of again seeing his friends, and witnessing the happy ter- 
hiination of the American war." 

Gen. Washington, who, when Lafayette was wounded at 
Brandywine, had enjoined the surgeon to lake care of him 
as if he were his own son, manifested during this illness the 
utmost kindness and paternal attention, calling daily to in- 
quire about him. Doct. Cochrane, an eminent physician in 
the army, gave up his whole attention to Lafayette ; and 
by his skill and assiduity the disease was conquered. At 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. Ill 

this time, Doctor Tliatnher paid a visit to Lafavette, which 
is thus described in this Journal, (November 27) : — " Visit- 
ed my friends at Fis' kill, and by the request ol Colonel 
Gibsoi), I waited on the Marquis de Lafayette. The Colo- 
nel furnished me with a letter of mtroiluction, and his com- 
pliments, with inquiiies respectinii the Marquis' health. I 
was received by this nobleman in a polite and affible man- 
ner. He is just recovering f'Om a fevi-r, and was in his 
chair of convalescence. He is nearly six feet high, large 
but not corpulent, being not m.ore than tw( nty-one yenrs of 
age. He is not very elegant in his form, his shoulders be- 
ing broad and high, nor is there a perfect symmstry in his 
features; his forehead is remarkably high, his nose large 
and long, eyebrows prom nent and projecting over a fine 
animated hazel eye. His countenance is interesting and 
impressive. He converses in broken English and displays 
the manners and address of an accomplishf'd gentleman. 
Considering him a French nobleman of dist.ingu shed char- 
acter, and a great favorite of General Washington, I feel 
myself highly honored by this interview." 

When his health was sufficiently restored, Lafayette took 
an affectionate leave of Gen. Washin^Jton, and accompanied 
by Doctor Cochrane, resumed his journey on horseback. 
This last interview was deeply itnpress ve, and has called 
forth from Lafayette one of 'he most eloquent and just trib- 
utes to the character' of Washing'on, that we have ever met 
with. Speaking of the afFviCtion manifested for him by 
Washington, he says : 

" And how is it possible that he (Washington,) should not have been 
warmly cherished by his disciple, (Lafayette,) he who, uniting all that 
is good to all that is great, is even more sublime from his virtues than 
from his talents'? Had he been a common soldier, he would have been 
the bravest in the ranks; had he been an obscure citizen, all his neigh- 
bors would have respected him. With a heart and a mind equally cor- 
rectly formed, he judged both of himself and circumstances with strict 
impartiality. Nature whilst creating him expressly tor that revolution, 
conterred an honor upon herself; and to show her works to the great- 
est possible advantage, she constituted it in 'uch a peculiar manner, 
that each distinct quality would have failed in producing the end re- 
quired, had it not been sustamed by all the others." 

On arriving at Boston, (Dae. 11,) Lafayette found that the 
Alliance was not yet ready for sea. There was a difficulty 
in obtaining sailors ; and it was at length conclyded to oi^ke 



.112 LIFE OF LAFAYETTi. 

tip the requirecf hiimber, By aecepting several English and 
Irish deserters and prisoners, who had offered their services 
for the purpose. Count D'Estaing, whom Lafayette was 
desirous of meeting, had left Boston. A numerous British 
fleet under Admiral Byron, had in October sailed from New 
York for the purpose of attacking the French fleet in Bos- 
ton harbor. A furious storm drove them to sea, and so 
damaged the British vessels as to compel them to put into 
Newport, to repair. Count D'Estaing took advantage of 
this circumstance, and sailed on the 3d of November, with 
his whole fleet, for ihe West- Indies. Although he had thus 
failed in his plans of co-operation for the campaign of the 
year, the count was esteemed both by Washington and La- 
fayette, as a brave and skilful officer ; and he left the coun- 
try as he came to- it, the firm friend of the American cause. 

Lafayette, after being otherwise in readiness, was detain- 
ed some daysj in expectation of further communications 
from Congress^ The proposed Canada expedition, had 
been under consideration, while he was at Philadelphia, and 
since he had left that city, At one time a plan, which had 
been sanctioned by Lafayette, for the combined operations 
ao-alnst Canada of the United States and France, the ensu- 
ing summer, had been agreed upon in Congress, and was to 
have been sent to Doctor Franklin, for the sanction of the 
French government. In the mean time it was submitted 
to Gen. Washington, whose disapproval of it led to a recon- 
sideration of the subject. It was eventually decided to 
abandon the project for the present ; and Gen. Washington 
and President Laurens were directed to communicate this 
decision to Lafayette. Their letters were delayed, and did 
not reach Lafayette until after his arrival in France. 

At length, not having received the expected communica- 
tions, Lafayette concluded to set sail, and announced that 
intention to Gen. Washington in a letter dated January 5th, 
1779. In this letter he remarks : " My health is now in 
the best condition, and I would not remember I was ever 
siek, were it not for the marks of friendship you gave me 
on that occasion. My good doctor (Cochrane) has attended 
me with his usual care and tendernesso He will see me on 
board, and then return to Head Quarters ; but the charge 
of your friend was entrusted to him till I was on board the 
frigate. I have met with the most kind hospitality in this 



LITE OF LAFAYETTE. 1 15 

city, and, drinking wate^ excepted, the doctor has done 
every thing he could to live hippy; he dances and sings 
at the assemblies most charm:n^ly. * * * F'arewell, 
my beloved general ; it is not without emotion I hid you 
this last adieu, l)efore so long a separation. Don't foro-et 
an absent friend, and believe me, for ever and ever, with 
the highest respect and tenderest affection." 

He did not, however, snil until the 11th, and again took 
leave of Gen. Washington, as follows : — 

" On Board the Alliance, off Boston, Wth Jan., 1779. 

" The sails are jusr going to be hoisted, my dear general, and [ have 
but time to take my hist leave of you. 1 may now be certain that 
Congress did not intend to send anything more to me. The navy 
board and Mr. Nevil write me this very morning from Boston, that the 
North River is passable; that a gentleman from camp says, he did not 
hear of any thing like an express for me. All agree for certain that 
Congress think I am gone, and that the sooner I go the better. 

"Farewell, my dear general ; I hope your French friend will ever be 
dear to you ; I hope I shall soon see you again, and tell you myself 
with what emotion I now leave the coast you inhabit, and with what 
affection and respect I am for ever, my dear general, your respectful 
and sincere friend." 



CPIAPTER XIL 

The voyage. Incidents and dangers. Storm. Vessel dismasted. 
Conspiracy of the crew. Its suppression. Arrival at Brest. La- 
fayette's feelings. His cordial reception. At Versailles. Affected 
displeasure of the king. Ludicrous vindication of royal prerogative, 
Lafayette in temporary exile. The queen's curiosity to see him. 
His liberation, (jrocious reception at court. Becomes the lion of 
the day. Remembers the patriots of America. Patronised by the 
queen. Her admiration of Washington. Count de Vergennes. 
Lafayette negotiates for aid to America. Proposed descent upon the 
English coast. Paul Jones. Corn-spondence with. Expedition 
abandoned. Preparations for an invasion of England, by Spain and 
France. Lafayette advances money for America. Offers to pledge 
his fortune. Plans for hiring vessels. For a loan. Letter of Wash- 
ington. To Franklin. Lafayette's correspondence with Gen. Wash- 
ington and the President of Congress. 

The destinies of nations, as well as of individuals, are 
controlled by an overriding Providence. Infidelity, in its 
affected boldness, may denv it ; but by the conscience of 



.114 LIFE OF LAFAYETTi. 

every sane mind which traces or observes the progress of 
events, the relation of cause and effect, this sublime truth is 
admitted. We have marked our young hero, in his incipi- 
ent progress, overcoming obstacles neither few nor trivial. 
We have followed him on his ocean path, from the old 
world to the new. We have seen him in the tented field;, 
amidst thebattle'^s din, courting danger and escaping harm. 
We have seen him borne down by toil and disease, mirac- 
ulously rescued from a premature death, which seemed to 
surrounding friends inevitable. And we have left him, 
again embarked upon tempestuous seas, his heart pained 
with parting regrets, and swelling with high purposes and 
glorious resolves, in behalf of an embryo nation, with whose 
fate and whose fame his own were to be closely linked, 
through the long progress of ages. 

Nor was the voyage of Lafayette to his native land to be 
without incidents and dangers. The passage at that season 
of the year was naturally long and boisterous. Near the 
Bank of Newfoundland the frigate encountered a violent 
storm. Her main-top-mast was torn away, she was nearly 
filled with water, and during a long and dark night, great 
aprehensions were felt on board that she would go to the 
bottom. Escaped from this danger of the elements, one of 
a different character was dveloped, when about two hun- 
dred leagues from the coast of France. A conspiracy was 
formed by the English and Irish sailors who had been en* 
gaged at Boston, to zeize the ship and carry it into an Eng- 
lish port, where, according to a proclamation of the British 
government, they would be entitled to the value of the vessel. 
At the concerted time, a ringleader of the mutiny was to 
cry out " -4 5«i/ /" which would naturally bring the pas- 
sengers and officers upon deck, when four pieces of cannon, 
loaded with canister shot, prepared by the gunner's mate, 
were to be discharged among them. An English sergeant 
on board h;adalso contrived to get possession of some loaded 
arms, which were to be used in the same manner. If any 
escaped death they wem to be seized and thrown overboard, 
except Lafayette, who was to be reserved for the purpose of 
exchanging him for General jBurgoyne. The hour, first 
named, was four in the morning, but was changed to four 
in the afternoon. In the mean time, none of the conspira- 
tors being capable of navigating the vessel, tkey disclosed 



L'TFE OP LAFAYETTE : 115' 

the plot to an American sailor, who had been' employed for' 
a long time on the coast of Ireland, and who, from his ac- 
quired Irish accent, they mistook to be an Irishman, and 
offered him the command of the vessel. He pretended to 
accede to their proposition ; but found an opportunity, about 
an hour before the time lixed for the execution of the con- 
spiracy, to convey information of the plot to Lafayette and 
the captain. Rushing, sword in hand, upon deck, followed 
by the other officers and passengers, assisted by the sailors 
who were innocent, they seized thirty-one of the culprits, 
whom they placed in irons. Others, less guilty or danger- 
ous, were reprimanded. A strong guard was placed on 
deck, and the officers went armed for the remainder of the 
voyage. None of the French or American sailors were en- 
gaged in the conspiracy thus providentially discovered and 
gallantly suppressed. 

Eight days thereafter, (February, 1779,) the Alliance en- 
tered safely the harbor of Brest, with the American ilag- 
fioating from its mast. That flag, which had begun to be 
known and respected by the civilized world, was recognized 
with joy, and saluted by the fort. What must have been^ 
the feeling of Lafayette on this occasion ? They cannot 
be described or conceived. He had left his country a fugi- 
tive, an.d almost an outcast. Against the advice of his 
friends and the authority of his government, he had stolen = 
away to join a rebelstandard, and to dare a rebel's fate. 
He returned, clothed with renown, bearing from the land of 
his adoption to the land of his birth, a name endeared to both. . 
Welcome and honors met him on his arrival, and attended 
him on his road to Paris, where he repaired with all possi- 
ble expedition. At Versailles, where he arrived on the 12th'. 
of February, he found his wife and'family, from whom he 
had not heard for eight months previous. It was to them 
an unexpected, and to alia joyful meeting. But Lafayette 
had left France, in disobedience of the orders of the king ; , 
and although France had since become the ally of Amer. 
ica, and Lafayette had distinguished himself in the service 
of both countries, his majesty adopted rather a ludicrous 
mode, and one not very creditable to his feeling, of vindi- 
cating the royal prerogative. Lafayette was forbidden to 
appear at court ; he was banished from the face of royalty — 
not to a foreign land— not to the bastile — but to the Hotel 



116 LII^E OF LAFAYETtJe. 

de Noailles, the splendid residence in Paris of Madoni La- 
fayette's family ! He was forbifiden to appear abroad, or 
be seen except by the family. Ttiis event by no means di- 
minished the popular feelings in his favor. He was pri- 
vately visited by members of the cabinet, by whom he was 
questioned and complimentt'd. The queen, partaking of the 
general interest, and of woman's curiosity, was desirous of 
seeing ihe young hero, whose name was upon all tongues. 
It was therefore arranged, that lie should, before he went 
into exile, while the queen rode through them, be walking 
in the grounds at Versailles. True to America, and anxious 
alone for its fate, Lafayette applied to the French minister, 
Count Vergennes, to know if the king's orders would pro- 
hibit his seeing Doctor Franklin, with whom he had ap- 
{)ointed an interview, for the purpose of consulting on Amer- 
ican affairs ; and in the same letter, he opened to the count 
the objrct he had in view. 

After eight days o? political quarantine, Lafayette was 
restored to liberty, and permitted to wait upon the king, by 
whom he was kindly received, with a gentle reproof for the 
past and admonition for the future. He at once became 
the lion of the day, " the observed of all observers." Be 
possessed the confidence of the cabinet, was in high favor 
at court, and popular with all classes of society. But 
amidst the exciting scenes of welcome, honors, and festivi- 
ties, the struggling patriots of America were not forgotten, 
and projects for aiding their cause, occupied his thoughts. 
*' Accustomed (he says,) to see great interests supported by 
slender means, I often said to myself tha^t the expense of 
one fete would have organized the army of the United 
States ; and to clothe that army I would willingly, accord- 
ing to the expression of M. dc Maurepas, have unfurnished 
the palace of Versailles." 

The young and beautiful queen, Maria Antoinette, par- 
taking of the general enthusiam, interested herself warmly 
in Lafayette's behalf. Sne procured lor him' the command 
of the regiment of king's dragoons. In the audiences which- 
she granted him, she inquired much about Afnerica, and 
particular as to the character of Gen. Washington. Upon- 
this theme, Lafayette was so earnest and eloquent, that the 
queen and all present were inspired with his enthusiasm ; 
and when she next saw Dr.. Franklin, the queen vemarked 



SlfE OP LAFAYETTE. 117 

to hihi, with her accustomed good nature Sindnaivette, " Do 
you know, doctor, that Lafayette has really made me in 
love with your General Waishiogton ? What a man he 
must be,, and what a friend he possesses in the Marquis !" 
The Count de Vergennes, an able statesman, who pos. 
sessed the implicit confidence of the king, was at the head 
of aftairs. Lafayette lost no time to commence a negotia- 
tion with him, and the other members of the French cabi- 
net, in personal interviews and by correspondence, to urge 
upon them immediate and efficient m.easures, in aid of Amer- 
ica. " His efforts were at first attended with great difficul- 
ties. There was a reluctance on the part of some of the 
ministers, to sending new armaments in any case, to Amer- 
ioa. An idea was entertained, that a peace might be ob- 
tained without the expense of another American campaign, 
and that an attack upon England would facilitate this re- 
sult. Induced by these views, and desirous of doing some- 
thing, Lafayette had, previous to the first of April, planned 
an expedition, for a descent upon the west coast of England. 
This plan had the sanction of Dr. Franklin and the Frenefr 
minister of marines. A" naval force, consisting of tile Bon 
Homme Richard, the Alliance, the Pallas, and Vwigeance, 
frigates, and two smaller vessels, were to be under the com- 
mand of the celebrated Paul Jones, and the land forces were 
to be commanded by Lafayette. It was to be under the 
American flag, and its principal object to levy contributions 
upon Liverpool, Bristol, and other commercial towns, for the 
benefit of the American finances. On the 27th of April, 
Doctor Franklin addressed a letter to Jones, with particular 
instructions for the expedition ; and stated to him, that, as 
it was understood to be an American expedition, Lafayette 
who was a major-general in that service, would have com- 
mand of the troops, recommending, harmony, &c. Lafay- 
ette also wrote to Jones, and the latter, in reply, said : " So 
flattering and affectionate a proof of your esteem and friend-, 
ship, has made an impression on my mind which will at- 
tend me while I live. This I hope to prove by more than 
words. Where men of fine feelings are concerned, there is 
seldom misunderstanding ; and I am sure I should do vio- 
lence to my sensibility if I were capable of giving you a 
moment's pain by any part of my conduct." '' I have leceiv- 
ed from the good Dr. Franklin instructions at large, which do 



118 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

honor to his liberal mind, and which it will give me the 
highest satisfaction to execute. I cannot ensure success, 
but will enrleavor to deserve it." 

This project, however, which seems not to have had the 
full confidence of the French ministers, was soon alter, 
firstly on their part, abandoned. On the 22d of M<\y, ha,- 
fayette informed Jones of this decision, staling that military 
and political rea^^ons had occasioned it, and added, " I am 
only U) tell you, my good friend, how sorry I feel not to bfe 
a witness of your success, abilities and glory." " What 
will be further determined about your squadron, is uncer- 
tain, and the ministers are to consult with Dr. Franklin." 
The project of a nioro extended enterprise, was the piinci- 
pal cause of abandoning this expedit on. Spain was pre- 
paring to act with France against England, and a general 
invasion was to take place, under the combined forces of 
the two nations. Preparations were immediately commen- 
ced on the part of France, which for some time occupied 
the attention of Lafayette, who was to have an important 
command in the expedition. 

In the mean time, Lafayette relaxed not his exertions to 
procuremid and supplies, for the present wants of America ; 
and for this purpose he advanced his own funds, and offer- 
ed even to pledge his entire fortune ! In a letter to Count 
de Vergennes, (April 26,) he submitted a proposition for hir- 
ing four ships of the line, with half of their crews, for one 
year, from the king of Svveden, for the service of the Uni- 
ted States. He proposed that the French government should 
advance the necessary funds for the equipment of the ves- 
sels, &c. ; but if that should meet with obstacles, he said, 
" the government should pledge itself only in case that it 
should exceed my fortune .'" He had not yet, he added, spo- 
ken to Dr. Franklin about the scheme, but had consulted 
with the Swedish embassador, whose views were favorable. 

Soon after Lafayette was informed, that a loan negotiated 
in Holland for England, would be withheld, on account of a 
demand of an additional one per cent, interest. He imme- 
diately wrote to Count de Vergennes, for the purpose of se- 
curing this loan for America. " I am told (he said) that 
some profits over and above the commission, might help 
America to this sum, amounting to above forty millions. 
I communicated this information to the Chevalier de la 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 119 

Luzerne, to be imparted to you ; but having disrharj^ed 
that duty towards the Americans, I feared le*t M. Necker 
[Minister of France] would not share in m" earnestness. 
I have alrt^ady appropriated tweniy millions to bank stock, 
ten to an expedition, and ten to pay the interest until the 
final reimbursement." 

In the same letter (June 1) he staled to the count, that he 
had just received informatiou from America, that Congress 
had changed their determination respecting ihe. joint expe- 
ditiou to Canada. 'I his decision was communicated in let- 
ters from President Laurens and General Washington, 
which were intended to have reached Lafayette before he 
left Boston. B.-ifore the receipt of this information, howev- 
er, the French government had decided against the project. 
The letter from Washington, enclosed the ibllowing to Doc- 
tor Franklin, then in Paris : — 

" Philadelphia, 28th December, 1778. 

" Sir, — The Marquis de L'ifayette, having served with distinction as 
major-general in the army of the United States for two campaigns, has 
been determined, by the prospect of an European war, to return to his 
native couatry. It is with pleasure I embrace the opportunity of mtro- 
ducing to your personal acquaintance a gentleman, whose merit cannot 
have left him unknown to you by reputation. The generous motives 
which first induced him to cross the Atlantic ; the tribute which he 
paid to gallantry at the Brandywine ; his success in Jersey, before he 
had recovered from his wound, in an affair where he commanded mili- 
tia against British grenadiers ; the brilliant retreat, by which he eluded 
a combined manoeuvre of the British forces in the last campaign; his 
services in the enterprise against Rhode Island ; are such proofs o\ his 
zeal, military arder, and talents, as have endeared him to America, 
and must greatly recommend him to his prince. 

" Coming with so many tx.les to claim your esteem, it were needless, 
for any other purpose than to indulge my own feelings, to add, that I 
have a very particular friendship for him ; and that, whatever services 
you may have it in your power to render him, will conler an obligation 
on one who has the honor to be — with the greatest esteem, regard, and 
respect, sir, &c." 

This letter, after being delayed in the manner we have 
stated, was not delivered to Doct. Franklin until long after 
it came into the hands of Lafayette ; and was thus acknowl- 
edged by Franklin to Washington, under date March 5th. 
1780 : " Sir — I received but lately the letter your excel, 
lency did me the honor of writing to me in reconnuendation 
of the Marquis de Lafayette. His modesty detained it long 
in his own hands. We became acquainted, however, from 



mo LliTB Ot LAFAYETTE. 

the time of his arrival at Paris ; and his zeal for the honor 
of our country, his activity in our affairs here, and his firm 
attachment to our cause, and to you, impressed me with the 
same regard and esteem for him which your excellency's 
letter would have done had it been immediately delivered 
to me." 

Lafayette also kept up his correspondence with America, 
although few of the letters on either side were received, hav- 
ing been lost or intercepted by the enemy. The Chevalier 
de la Luzerne being sent out by the French government to 
succeed M. Gerard, as their minister plenipotentiary in 
America, Lafayette wrote by the opportunity thus affordedj 
long letters to President Laurens and to Gen. Washington. 
Both letters are dated at St. Jean d'Angely, near Rochefort, 
June 12, 1779. We cannot forbear selecting from theni 
such passages as we think will prove interesting to the 
readers of this volume, as a portion of the history of the man 
as connected with the times. To the President of Conorress, 
after expressing his gratitute and affection for the Ameri- 
cans, he says : — 

" So deeply are those sentiments engraven upon my heart, that I every 
day lament the distance which separates me from them, and that 
nothing was ever so warmly and passionately wished for, as to return 
again to that country of which I shall ever consider myself as a citi- 
zen ; there is no pleasure to be enjoyed which could equal this of find- 
ing myself among that free and liberal nation, by whose affection and 
confidence I am so highly honored ; to fight again with those brother 
"soldiers of mine to whom I am so much indebted. But Congress 
knows that former plans have been altered by themselves, that others 
have been thought impossible, as they were asked too late in the year. 
I will therefore make use of the leave of absence they were pleased to 
grant me, and serve the common cause among my countrymen, theii* 
allies, until happy circumstances may conduct me to the Americari 
shores, in such a way as would make that return more useful to the 
United States. The affairs of America I shall ever look upon as my 
first business whilst I am in Europe. Any confidence from the king 
and ministers, any popularity I may have among my own countrymen, 
any means in my power, shall be, to the be&t of my skill, and till the 
end of my life, exerted in behalf of an interest I have so much at 
heart. What I have hitherto done or said relating to America, 1 
think needless to mention, as my ardent zeal for her is, I hope, v/ell 
known to Congress ; but I wish to let them know that if, in my pro- 
posals, and in my repeated urgeat representation for getting ships, 
money and support of any kind, I have not always found the ministry 
so much in earnest as I was myself, they only opposed to me natural 
fears of inconveniences which might arise to both countries, or the 
conviction that such a thing was impossible for the present ; but I 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 121 

never could question their good will towards America. If Congress 
believe that my influence may serve them, in any way, I beg they will 
direct such orders to me, that I may the more certainly and properly 
employ the knowledge I have of this court and country for obtaining a 
success in which my heart is so much interested/' 

" rThe so ilattering affection which Congress and the American na- 
tion are pleased to honor me with, makes me very desirous of letting 
them know, if I dare speak so friendly, how I enjoyed my private situ- 
ation. Happy in the sight of my friends and family, after I was, by 
your attentive goodness, safely brought again to my native shore, I met 
there with such an honorable reception, with such kind sentiments, as 
by far exceeded any wishes I durst have conceived ; I am indebted for 
that inexpressible satisfaction which the good will of my countrymen 
towards me affords to my heart, to their ardent love for America, to the 
cause of freedom and its defenders, their new allies, and to the idea they 
entertain that I have had the happiness to serve the United States. To 
these motives, sir, and to the letter Congress was pleased to write on 
my account, I owe the many favors the king has conferred upon me ; 
there was no time lost in appointing me to the command of his own 
regiment of dragoons, and every thing he could have done, every thing 
I could have wished, I have received on account of your kind recom- 
mendations. 

" I have been some days in this small town, near Rochefort harbor, 
where I have joined the king's regiment, and where other troops are 
stationed, which I for the moment command ; but I hope to leav&rthis 
place before long, in order to play a more active part and come nearer 
the common enemy. Before my departure from Paris I sent to the 
minister of foriegn affairs, (who bye the bye, is one of our best friends,) 
intelligence concerning a loan in Holland, which I want France to 
make or answer for in behalf of America ; but I have not yet heard 
any thing on that head. M. le Chevalier de la Luzerne will give you 
more explicit and fresher news, as he is particularly ordered to do so, 
and he sets out directly from Versailles. That new minister plenipo- 
tentiary I beg leave to recommend most earnestly to Congress, not 
only as a public man, but also as a private gentleman. From the ac- 
quaintance I have made with him, I conceive he is a sensible, modest, 
well-meaning man ; a man truly worthy of enjoying the spectacle of 
American freedom. I hope that by his good qualities and his talents, 
he will obtain both public confidence and private friendship. 

" Wherever the interest of beloved friends are seriously concerned, 
candid and warm affection knows not how to calculate, and throws 
away all considerations. I will frankly tell you, sir, that nothing can 
more effectually hurt our interest, consequence, and reputation, in Eu- 
rope, than to hear of disputes or divisions between the whigs. Nothing 
could urge my touching upon this delicate matter but the unhappy expe- 
rience of every day on that head, since I can hear, myself, what is said 
on this side of the Atlantic, and the arguments 1 have to combat with." 

Lafayette's letter, of the same date, to Gen. Washington, 
is in the same patriotic spirit, intermin^^led with the fami- 

11 



122 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE^ 

liar sentiments and expressions of personal friendship. Of 
public affairs, he remarked : — 

" In referring you to M. le Chevalier de la Luzerne, for what concerns 
the ptsblic news of this time, the present situation of affairs, and the de- 
signs of our ministry, I will only speak to your excellency about that 
great article, money. It gave me much trouble, and I insisted upon it 
so much, that the director of finances looks upon me as a devil. France 
has met great expenses lately ; those Spaniards will not give iheir dol- 
lars easily. However, Dr. Franklin has got some money to pay the bills 
of Congress, and I hope I shall determine them to greater sacrifices. 
Serving America, my dear general, is to my heart an inexpressible hap- 
piness. 

" There is another point for which you should employ all your influ- 
ence and popularity. For God's sake prevent their loudly dispming to- 
gether. Nothing hurts so much the interest and reputation Of Aftierica, 
as to hear of their intestine quarrels. On the other hand there are two 
parties in France : MM. Adams and Lee on one part. Doctor Frank- 
lin and his friends on the other. So great is the concern Which these 
divisions give me, that I cannot wait on these gentlemen as much as I 
could wish, for fear of occasioning disputes and bringing them to a 
greater collision. That, my dear general, I intrust to your friendship, 
but I could not help touching upon that string in my letter to Congress." 

Of his private affairs and official employment, he stated 
in substance what he had related to President Laurens ; and 
added : *' What 1 wish most, my dear general, what would 
make me the happiest of men, is to join again American 
colors, or to put under your orders a division of four or five 
thousand countrymen of mine." With a confidence that 
fiever forsook him, he again repeated, that American inde- 
pendence was " a certain, undoubted point ; but, (he ad- 
ded,) I wish to see that independence acknowledged with 
advantageotis positions." America, he said, must show 
herself in good earnest for war, until such conditions were 
obtained. Lafayette expressed also, the warm desire of 
Madame Lafayette and himself, to see Gen. Washington 
and his lady in France, as soon as peace should be conclu- 
ded. '* All Europe, (he said,) wants to see you so much, 
my dear general, that you cannot refuse them that pleas- 
ure. I have boldly affirmed that you would pay me a visit 
after the peace is settled ; so that if you deny me, you will 
hurt your friend's reputation throughout the world." 

In a postscript, (dated June 13,) Lafayette informed Qiqu. 
Washington, that he had just received orders, by express, 
to repair immediately to Versailles^ to meet the Count de 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 183 

Vaux, Lieut. General, who was appointed to command the 
troops of the intended expedition against England. " In 
that army (he said) I shall be employed in the capacity of 
aide-mareshal-general des logis, which is, in our service, a 
very important and agreeable place ; so that I shall serve 
in the most pleasing manner, and shall be in a situation to 
know every thing, and to render services." 

The reply of Gen. Washington to this letter, is dated at 
West Point, 30th September, 1779. Intermingled with 
matters at that time of public interest, it contained renewed 
proof of the confidence and friendship with which Lafayette 
was regarded by Washington ; and the evidences of which 
constitute the highest tributes we can pay to the character 
and fame of our hero. 

" It gave me infinite pleasure to hear from your sovereign, and of the 
joy which your safe arrival in France had diffused among your friends. 
I had no doubt but this would be the case ; to hear it from yourself adds 
pleasure to the account ; and here, my dear friend, let me congratulate 
you on your new, honorable, and pleasing appointment in the army 
commanded by the Count de Vaux, which I shall accompany with an 
assurance that none can do it with more warmth of affection, or sincere 
^ay, than myself Your forward zeal in the cause of liberty ; your sin- 
gular attachment to this infant world ; your ardent and persevering ef- 
forts not only in America, but since your return to France, to serve the 
United States ; your polite attention to Americans, and your strict and 
uniform friendship for me, have ripened the first impressions of esteem 
and attachment which I imbibed for you into such perfect love and 
gratitute, as neither time nor absence can impair. This will warrant 
my assuring you that, whether in the character of an officer at the head 
of a corps of gallant Frenchmen, if circumstances should require this ; 
whether as a major-general, commanding a division of the American 
army ; or whether, after our swords and spears have given place to the 
ploughshare and pruning-hook, I see you as a private gentleman, a 
friend and companion, I shall welcome you with all the warmth of 
friendship to Columbia's shores ; and, in the latter case, to my rural 
cottage, where homely fare and a cordial reception shall be substituted 
for delicacies and costly living. This, from past experience, I know 
you can submit to ; and if the lovely partner of your happiness will con- 
sent to participate with us in such rural entertainment and amusements, 
I can undertake, in behalf of Mrs. Washington, that she will do every- 
thing in her power to make Virginia agreeable to the Marchioness." 

" You are pleaeed, my dear Marquis, to express an earnest desire of 
seeing me in France, after the establishment of our independency, and 
do me the honor to add, that you are not singular in your request. 
Let me entreat you to be persuaded, that, to meet you anywhere, after 
the final accomplishment of so glorious an event, M^ould contribute to 
mv happiness ; and that to visit a country to whose generous aid wft 



124 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Stand so much indebted, would be an additional pleasure ; but remem- 
ber, my good friend, that I am unacquainted with your language, that 
I am too far advanced in years to acquire a knowledge of it, and that, 
to converse through the medium of an interpreter, upon common occa- 
sions, especially with the ladies, must appear so extremely awkward, 
insipid, and uncouth, that I can scarcely bear it in idea. I will, there- 
fore, hold myself disengaged for the present ; but when I see you in 
Yirginia, we will talk of this matter, and fix our plans." 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Lafayette continues his efforts in behalf of America. Prohibited by 
Congress from asking the aid of land forces. On his own responsi- 
-bility, solicits from the French ministers a naval armament, money, 
clothing, and a large body of auxiliary troops. His plan for the ex- 
pedition. Urges immediate action. Sword from Congress, present- 
ed by Dr. Franklin. Description of it. Letter of Dr. Franklin. 
Lafayette's reply. Letters to Gen. Washington and President Lau- 
rens. Abandonment of the expedition against England. Summary 
of the campaign of 1779, in America. Renewed efforts of Lafayette, 
Finally successful. Plan of the expedition agreed upon. Stipula- 
tions honorable to the Americans. Lafayette's instructions from the 
French Government. Sails again for America. 

The favorite project of Lafayette, for an attack upon 
Canada having been abandoned, he did not permit the con- 
templated expedition against England to divert him from 
projects which he deemed more important to the cause of 
America. To these projects he now gave increased atten- 
tion. The popular feeling in America was strong against 
the employing of foreign troops. The difficulties with the 
French troops at Rhode Island, were fresh in mind, and 
were calculated to increase those natural jealousies which 
existed. Lafayette had therefore been enjoined by Con- 
gress, not to ask the aid of land forces from his govern- 
ment. But, he foresaw that such aid would be needed ; 
that it might arrive at a critical and an acceptable moment, 
and be decisive of the fate of America. He, therefore, with 
true greatness of soul and decision of character, took the 
responsibility of acting, and urged upon the French minis- 
ters, not only the propriety of sending a large naval arma- 
ment, which should secure a decided naval superiority upon 
the American coast, with money, clothing, and munitions of 



Vi'F^ OF LAFAYETTE. 125 

war for the army, but that these should be accompanied by 
a large body of auxiliary troops. To his repeated solicita- 
tions, they yielded by degrees. By request of Count de Ver* 
gennes, Lafayette submitted to him in writing, under date 
of July 18, his views for an expedition to America. This 
plan occupies a space equal to more than twelve pages of 
this work. The details are not essential to our purpose. 
They embraced a proposal for four thousand troops " well 
aware (he said) that a proposition on a large scale would 
not be acceded to." In the commencement he remarked : 

" The state of America, and the new measures which the British ap- 
pear to be adopting, render this expedition more than ever necessary. 
Deserted coasts, ruined ports, commerce checked, fortified posts whence 
expeditions are sent, all seem to call for our assistance, both by sea and 
land. The smallest effort made now, would have" more effect on the 
people than a great diversion at a more distant period ; but besides the 
gratitude of the Americans, and particularly of the oppressed states, a 
body of troops would insure us a great superiority on that continent. 
In short, sir, without entering into tedious details, you know that my 
opinions on this point have never varied, and my knowledge of this 
country convinces me, that such an expedition, if well conducted, would 
not only succeed in America, but would be of very essential service to 
our own country." 

In conclusion, he said : 

" For my own part, you know my sentiments, and you will never 
doubt that my first interest is to serve my country. I hope, for the sake 
of the public good, that you will send troops to America. I shall be 
considered too young, I presume, to take the command, but I shall sure- 
ly be employed. If, in the arrangement of this plan, any one, to whom 
my sentiments are less known than to yourself, in proposing for me ei- 
ther the command or some inferior commission, should assign as a rea- 
son, that I should thereby be induced to serve my country with more 
zeal either in council or in action, I take the liberty (putting aside the 
minister of the king) to request M. de Vergennes to come forward as 
ray friend, and to refuse, in my name, favors bestowed from motives so 
inconsistent with my character." 

This communication made a favorable impression, and 
was destined to lead to important results. The expedition 
to England, however, not being yet abandoned, the French 
cabinet was inclined to postpone further operations in 
America, until another season. Lafayette was for immedi- 
ate action, although upon a moderate scale. In reply to a 
letter- of Count de Vergennes, relative to the plan he had 
submitted, (Havre, 80th July,) Lafayette said : '' Being 
convinced that there is no time to lose in adopting the 

IV 



126 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

measures which I propose, my love for my country makes 
me feel an impatience, which I fear may pass for importu- 
nity ; but you will excuse a fault arising from a feeling 
which is dear to every good citizen." * * * " You are cer- 
tainly right in saying, my bird is in fermentation." * * * 
" You know, I hope, that any arrangement and any station 
will satisfy me, and that I do not claim promotion, or as- 
sistance, or any mark of favor whatsoever. If M. D'Orvil- 
liers, or a detachment, is now in the independent states of 
America, and my presence there can be in any way more 
serviceable than here, I shall be very willing to go over in 
an American frigate, which I will take on my own author- 
ity ; and with the very natural pretext of rejoining the ar- 
ray in which I served, I will go and endeavor to use my 
influence for the advantage of my country." 

In case the project of combined operations with a squad- 
ron and land forces, should not be adopted that year, for 
want of means, Lafayette proposed that two or three thou- 
sand men, with three hundred dragoons, should be sent to 
Boston, to act in the mean time with the American army, 
and to be joined in the spring by ships of war and a re-en- 
forcement of troops. He added : 

" You have told me to give you all my ideas. It is my duty to sub- 
mit to you this last one, which, as it seems to me, is not liable to any 
objection. At first I was afraid of expressing my opinion so strongly 
as I was inclined to do, lest I should be suspected of peculiar motives 
and predilections ; but now that people must know me better, and that 
you have my entire confidence, I speak more freely, and I solemnly af- 
firm, upon my honor, that if half my fortune was spent in sending suc- 
cors of troops to the Americans, I should believe that, in so doing, I 
rendered to my country a service more important than this sacrifice." 

The sword, which Congress had directed Dr. Franklin to 
procure and present to Lafayette, was now prepared. It 
was appropriately devised and splendidly executed, by the 
best artists. The knob of the handle exhibited on one side 
a shield, with Lafayette's arms, a marquis's coronet, sur^ 
mounted by a streamer, on which his motto, cur non, was 
inscribed. On the other side was a medallion, representing, 
the first quarter of the moon, whose rays were shed over tlie 
sea, and the land of the American continent, which is seen. 
in the horizon. In the foreground, was the coast of France,, 
surrounded by a scroll, on which was inscribed the words- 
crescam ut 'prosim — in reference to the rising liberty and 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTJS. 127 

subsequent prospects of America. In the centre of the 
handle on each side, were two oblong medallions. The first 
represented Lafayette with his sword drawn, and his foot 
upon the prostrate British lion, in the attitude of inflicting 
upon it a mortal wound, but pausing, extending his hand, 
and seeming inclined to spare the life of his victim. On the 
other medallion, America was represented under the device 
of a young half clad female, seated beneath a military tent, 
with one hand holding up her broken fetters, and with the 
other presenting a laurel branch to Lafayette. Other de- 
vices, of arms, laurel crowns, &c. encircled the handle, and 
on one side of the guard. On the other, were the words, 
" Fro7ii the American Congress to the Marquis de LofayeUc, 
1779." On the curved parts of the guard were represented 
in medallions, four memorable events of the American war, 
in which Lafayette acted a distinguished part. — 1. The Bat- 
tle of Gloucester. 2. Retreat of Barren Hill. 3. Battle of 
Monmouth. 4. Retreat of Rhode Island. Fac-simi!es of 
these views are given in those portions of this work where 
the events to which they relate are respectively recorded. 

Lafayette being still at Havre, Dr. Franklin forwarded 
the sword to him, with the following letter : 

" Fassy, 24^/i August, 1779. 

" Sir, — The Congress, sensible of your merit towards the United 
States, but unable adequately to reward it, determined to present you 
with a sword, as a small mark of their grateful acknowledgement ; 
they directed it to be ornamented with suitable devices. Some of the 
principal actions of the war, in which you distinguished yourself by 
your bravery and conduct, are therefore represented upon it. These, 
with a few e>:nblematic figures, all admirably well executed, make its 
principal value. By the help of the exquisite artists of France, I find 
It easy to express everything but the sense we have of your worth, and 
our obi .gations to you for this, figures, and even words, are found insuf- 
ficient ; I, therefore, only add that, vi'ith the most perfect esteem, I havo 
the honor to be, B. Franklin. 

" P. S. My grandson goes to Havre with the sword, and will have 
the honor of presenting it to you." 

Lafayette replied as follows : 

« Havre, 2dth August, 1779. 

" Sir, — Whatever expestation might have been raised from the sense 
of past favors, the goodness of the United States to me has ever been 
such, that on every occasion it far surpasses any idea I could have 
conceived. A new proof of that flattering truth I find in the noble 
f resent, which Congress has been pleased to honor me with, and which 



i23 LIFJg OP LAfAYiltTE. 

is offered in such a manner by your excellency as \rill exceed every- 
thing, but the feelings of an unbounded gratitude. 

" In some of the devices I cannot help finding too honorable a re- 
-ward for those slight services v^^hich, in concert with my fellow soldiers, 
and under the god-like American hero's orders, I had the good fortune 
to render. The sight of those actions, where I was a witness of Amer- 
ican bravery and patriotic spirit, I shall ever enjoy with that pleasure 
which becomes a heart glowing with love for the nation, and the most 
ardent zeal for its glory and happiness. Assurances of gratitude, which 
I beg leave to present to your excellency, are much too inadequate to 
my feelings, and nothing but such sentiments can properly acknowledge 
your kindness towards me. The polite manner in which Mr. Franklin 
was pleased to deliver that inestimable sword, lays me under great ob- 
ligations to him, and demands my particular thanks. 

" With the most perfect respect, I have the honor to be, &c." 

On the 7th of October, rrom Havre, Lafayette wrote again 
to Gen. Washington and President Laurens. In these let- 
ters was shadowed forth the failure of the so long talked of 
expedition to England. His letter to Gen. Washington was 
couched in the same confidential and affectionate language 
which distinguish Uieir mutual correspondence. He speaks 
to him of public affdiis, the projected expedition, and ex- 
presses an ardent desire of again serving under his beloved 
general, in the armies of America. 

"From an American newspaper (he adds) I find that a certain Eng- 
lish intelligence had been propagated through the United States, that 
at the head of fifteen hundred officers or non-commissioned officers, I 
was going to embark for America, and that, with soldiers of your army 
embodied under them, I wanted to teach military discipline throughout 
the American army. However remote I am from thinking of teaching 
my own masters, and however distant from such views was that com- 
mand in France, whose end you very well know, I could not help tak- 
ing it as a reflection on the American ar?ny. The English troops may 
remember that on some particular occasions I have not had to lament 
the want of discipline and Spirit in the troops which I had the honor to 
command. Whilst we have but the same British army to fight with, . 
we need not be looking out for any other improvement than the same 
qualities which have often enabled my fellow American soMiers to give, 
instead of receiving, pretty good lessons to an enemy, whose justly re- 
puted courage added a new reputation to American bravery and mili- 
tary conduct. 

" The above article, my dear general, I beg you will have printed in 
the several newspapers." 

The dilatory movements of Spain, the dispersion of the 
combined fleets, when off the coast of England, by a storm^ 
and the loss ot five thousand men by an epidemic, with 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 129 

Other causes, led at length to the abandonment of the expe- 
dition against England,. for which such formidable prepara- 
tions had been made. The year 1779 closed, therefore, 
upon the demonstrations of France and the exertions of La- 
fayette, without producing any direct aid or benefit to the 
cause of America. 

In the mean time the campaign in America had been 
conducted principally upon the defensive — a plan of opera- 
tions which Congress and Gen. Washington were induced 
to adopt, from the exhausted state of the country, the de- 
preciation of the currency, and the difficulty of recruiting 
and supplying the army. There seemed to be a relaxation 
of the public energies, which was, perhaps, but a necessary 
repose, preparatory to more efficient exertions. Many 
events, however, of interest occurred, the details of which 
belong rather to history than to this memoir. Among 
these, were the successful and memorable expedition of Sul- 
livan against the Indians; the taking of the forts at Ver- 
planck's Point and Stony Point by the British, and the re- 
taking of the latter, by the detachment under Wayne, one 
of the most brilliant exploits of the revolution ; and the 
gallant enterprise of Major Henry Lee, in which the ene- 
my's post at Paulus Hook was surprised and one hundred 
and fifty-nine prisoners taken. The main body of the Brit- 
ish forces continued in New York during the summer, from 
whence, by detachments, a system of devastation and plun- 
der was pursued. A detachment under General Mathews, 
burnt and plundered in Virginia. Gen. Tyron, with an- 
other detachment, inflicted a similar fate upon New Haven, 
Fairfield, and Norwalk, in Connecticut. The enemy hav- 
ing failed in an attack upon Charleston, ravaged the de- 
fenceless settlements on the coast of South Carolina. They 
took possession of Savannah, in Georgia, and strongly forti- 
fied their position. Count D'Estaing, with the French fleet, 
after successful operations in the West Indies, having taken 
St. Vincent and Grenada, and had an engagement with the 
British fleet under Admiral Byron, in which the vessels of 
the latter were severely crippled, repaired to the southern 
coast of America. He was anxious to redeem his standing 
with the Americans, and render them essential service. In 
conjunction with the American troops under Gen. Lincoln, 
he laid siege to Savannah ; and, on the 9th of October, impa- 



180 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

tient from the lateness of the season and the necessities of 
his fleet, made an unsuccessful assault, in which the French 
and Americans suffered severely, and Count Pulaski, the 
brave Polish exile and volunteer in our cause, was mortally 
wounded. Count D'Estaing soon after returned to Europe, 
but his re-appearance on our coast, had caused the enemy 
to evacuate Rhode Island, and also Stony Point and other 
posts on the Hudson, for the purpose of strengthening them- 
selves at the south. In December, Sir Henry Clinton sent 
seven thousand troops to South Carolina ; and Gen. Wash- 
ington directed two of the North Carolina regiments and 
the whole of the Virginia line, to enforce Gen. Lincoln'^ 
army at Charleston. During this season, the strong forti- 
fications at West Point and its vicinity were principally 
constructed ; and for this purpose two thousand five hun- 
dred men were a part of the time on daily fatigue duty, 
At the end of the campaign. Gen. Washington with his ar- 
my went into winter quarters at Morristown, with strong 
detachments at West Point, and other posts near the Hud- 
son. 

By the failure of the projected expedition against Engr 
land, Lafayette was left free, and under more auspicious 
circumstances, to pursue his plans for direct aid to America. 
With renewed diligence, he appealed to the national pride, 
the good faith, the honor and interest of the French gov- 
ernment, and with more success than he had reason to an- 
ticipate. On the 2d of February, 1780, by previous request 
he submitted to Count de Vergennes suggestions which were 
essentially adopted as the basis of an expedition to America. 
The naval force was to consist of six ships of the line, with 
the requisite number of transports, commanded by the Chev- 
alier de Ternay. They were to take out twelve battalions 
of infantry, with the proper compliment of artillery for 
sieges and field service, amounting in all to six thousand 
men, under the command of Major-General the Count Ro- 
chambeau, a brave and experienced officer. These troops, 
as had been expressly stipulated by Lafayette, were to be 
considered as auxiliaries ; their commander, when in Amer- 
ica, was in all cases to be under the command of Gen Wash- 
ington ; and when united, the American troops were to take 
the right, and the American officers of equal rank and 
the same dgite of commission, were to have the command, 



LliTE OF LAFAYETTE i 131 

Upon these principles, the instructions of Gen. Rocham- 
beau were framed, and cautiously guarded, so as to prevent 
misunderstanding or collision, and to ensure harmony of 
feeling and action between the French and American troops 
and officers. Having gained thus much, Lafayette also so- 
licited large supplies of clothing, arms and munitions of 
war, for the American army. These were promised to be 
sent with the fleet, and the expedition was to be ready to 
sail the forepart of April. Lafayette was to have no com- 
mand in the expedition ; but was to repair as soon as prac- 
ticable to America, and resume his services as an American 
officer. By his instructions from the French minister (Ver- 
gennes) he was directed " to proceed immediately to join 
General Washington, and communicate to him the secret, 
that the king, willing to give the United States a new proof 
of his affection, and of his interest in their security, is re- 
solved to send to their aid, at the opening of spring, six ves- 
sels of the line and six thousand regular troops of infantry." 
He had also explicit instructions and ample powers to ar- 
range for the reception of the French fleet and forces in 
America, and for their co-operation with those of the United 
States. The French frigate Hermoine was assigned to him 
for the voyage, and he sailed from the Isle of Aix, near 
Rochelle, on the 19th of March, 1780, 



CHAPTER XIV. 

liafayette arrives at Boston. Letter to Gen. Washington. Joy at hi£( 
return. Repairs to Head-quarters. His reception. Visits Philadel- 
phia. Welcomed by Congress. Plans for future operations. De- 
plorable state of the army and country. Efforts of Washington, sec- 
onded by Lafayette. Patriotic exertions of the ladies of Philadel- 
phia, Liberal subscription of Lafayette. Arrival of the French fleet, 
Lafayette commissioned to meet it. Authorized to confer with the 
French admiral and general. Negotiations and correspondence. 
Zeal and perseverance. Plans of attack. Causes of embarrassment 
and delay. Approbation of Washington. 

The gales which wafted their brave champion once more 
to the land of struggling freemen, were propitious. The 
tide of fortune had turned towards the coast of America. 
The Hermoine arrived off Boston, the 27th of April, and 



^^Ib 






132 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Lafayette, with joyful heart, thus announced his approach 
to Gen. Washington :-^ 

"At the entrance of Boston harbor, April 27, 1780. 

" Here I am, my dear general, and, in the midst of the joy I feel m 
finding myself again one of your loving soldiers, I take but the time to 
tell you that I caine from France on board a frigate which the king 
gave me for my passage. I have affairs of the utmost importance 
which I should at first communicate to you alone. In case my letter 
finds you anywhere this side of Philadelphia, I beg you will wait for 
me, and do assure you a great public good may be derived from it. To- 
morrow we go up to the town, and the day after I shall set off in my 
usual way to join my beloved and respected friend and general. 

"Adieu, my dear general; you will easily know the hand of your 
young soldier. 

" My compliments to the family." 

Lafayette was received at Boston with the greatest en- 
thusiasm, and amidst the roar of cannon and the ringing of 
hells, escorted to the residence of Gov. Hancock. These 
were spontaneous tributes to his personal worth and servi- 
ces ; for neither the people nor the public authorities, yet 
knew of the important aids he had secured for their country. 
They know, however, that he brought with him a heart de- 
voted to their cause, with the ability, as well as the disposi- 
tion, to serve it efficiently, and for these they valued most 
highly, and welcomed him sincerely. Nor did the news of 
his return excite less emotion wherever it was communica- 
ted. The feelings of Gen. Washington are manifested in 
his reply to the foregoing letter : — 

" Morristown, May 8, 1780. 
" My dear Marquis, — Your welcome favor of the 27th of April 
came to my hands yesterday. I received it with all the joy that the 
sincerest friendship would dictate, and with that impatience which an 
ardent desire to see you could not fail to inspire. lam sorry I do not 
know your route through the State of New York, that I might with 
certainty send a small party of horse, all I have at this place, to meet 
and escort you safely through the Troy settlements, between this place 
and the North River. At all events Maj. Gibbs will go as far as Comp- 
ton, where the roads unite, to meet you ; and will proceed from thence, 
as circumstances may direct, either towards King's Ferry or New 
Windsor. I most sincerely congratulate you on your safe arrival in 
America, and shall embrace you with all the warmth of an afTectionate 
friend, when you come to Head Quarters, where a bed is prepared for 
you. Adieu till we meet. Yours, &c." 

Lafayette proceeded immediately from Boston to the 
Head Quarters of Gen. Washington, where his reception 



tiFE OF Lafayette. 133 

by the Commander-in-chief and the whole army, was most 
cordial. After the flrst greeting, he disclosed to Gen. 
Washington, in a private interview, the nature and extent 
of the aid which was to follow him from the French gov- 
ernment. 

To the Chevalier de la Luzerne, Washington wrote the 
day after Lafayette's arrival,(May 11th): "You will partici- 
pate in the joy I feel at the arrival of the Marquis Lafayette. 
No event could have given me greater pleasure on a person- 
al account, and motives of public utility conspire to make it 
agreeable. He will shortly have the honor to wait upon 
your excellency, and impart matters of the greatest moment 
to these states. He announces a fresh and striking instance 
of the friendship of your court, which cannot fail to con- 
tribute greatly to perpetuate the gratitude of this country." 

The preparations for the French expedition, had thus far 
been managed with great secrecy. By his instructions, as 
will have been seen, Lafayette on his arrival in America 
was to repair immediately to Gen. Washington, communi- 
cate to him the secret, and make with him arrangements 
for the co-operation of the French and American forces. 
He was then to proceed to Philadelphia, see first M. de la 
Luzerne, and according to the advice of Gen. Washington, 
concurred in by the French minister, disclose or not the 
secret and the details of the expedition to Congress. Gen. 
Washington, however, was reluctant to take upon himself 
the responsibility of arranging a plan of combined opera- 
tions. It was therefore concluded that Lafayette should 
proceed immediately to Philadelphia, to concert further 
measures with the French minister, and particularly as to 
the expediency of acquainting Congress of the expected ar- 
rival of the French troops, while in the mean time Gen<, 
Washington was to apply himself with all possible activity 
to hasten forward troops and collect provisions. After a 
brief stay, therefore, of two days at Head Quarters, Lafay- 
ette, with his usual zeal and alacrity, set out for Philadel- 
phia. He bore with him the following letter, from Gen. 
Washington to the President of Congress : — 

" Morristown, I3th May, 1780. 

" Sir, 
" The Marquis de Lafayette will have the honor to deliver to you 
this letter. I am persuaded Congress will participate in the joy I feel 

13 



134 LIFE OF LAFAYETTfi. 

at the return of a gentleman, who has so signally distinguished himself 
in the service of this country, who has given so many and so decisive 
proofs of his attachment to its interests, and who ought to be dear to it 
from every motive. The warm friendship I have for him conspires 
with considerations of public utility to afford me a double satisfaction 
in his return. During the time he has been in France, he has uniform- 
ly manifested the same zeal in our affairs, which animated his conduct 
while he was among us ; and he has been upon all occasions an essen- 
tial friend to America. He merits, and I doubt not Congress will give 
him, every mark of consideration in their power. I have the honor to 
be, &c." 

On his arrival in Philadelphia, Lafayette was greeted 
with the warmest public and private demonstrations of wel- 
come. A resolution was promptly adopted by Congress, 
(May 16,) declaring, that his return to America to resume 
his command, was considered by Congress, "as a fresh proof 
of the disinterested zeal and persevering attachment, which 
have justly recommended him to the public confidence and 
applause, and that they receive with pleasure a tender of 
the further services of so gallant and meritorious an officer," 

As the French fleet was to have sailed about the first of 
April, its arrival was daily expected. On the 16th May, 
Gen. Washington wrote to Lafayette : " Since you left me 
I have more fully reflected on the plan which it will be 
proper for the French fleet and army to pursue, on their 
arrival upon the coast ; and it appears to me, in the present 
situation of the enemy at New York, that it ought to be our 
first object to reduce that post, and that it is of the first 
importance not to lose a moment to repair to that place. 
He therefore advised Lafayette to write to the French gen- 
eral and admiral, in conformity with these views. On the 
19th, he writes : "I impatiently wait, my dear Marquis, to 
know the result of the arrangements you were to make with 
Congress. The time glides away so fast, and we have so 
little before us, that every moment is infinitely precious and 
ought to be improved." He suggested publishing an address 
to the Canadians, and to the Indians, and the insertion in 
the papers of a paragraph to the effect, that the Marquis 
Lafayette had brought intelligence that a large land and 
naval force was to be sent out by France, and that an at- 
tack on New York was intended. These publications, he 
supposed, would have a tendency to deceive and distract 
the enemy. 

Lafayette despatched M. de Galvan, a French officer in 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 138 

the service of the United States, to Cape Henry, to await 
the arrival of the French fleet. He enclosed Gen. Wash- 
ington's letter of the 16th, in one to Count Rochambeau, in 
which he gave to the count a statement of his arrival and 
reception, and the state of affairs in America. He advised, 
in conformity with the views of Gen. Washington, that the 
French fleet should sail immediately for Sandy Hook, deem- 
ing the circumstances favorable to a combined attack upon 
New York. 

Congress, being made acquainted with the nature of the 
expected expedition, resolved, on the 20th May, that the 
Commander-in-chief, " after receiving such communications 
from the Marquis de Lafayette as he had to offer, should 
take such measures for carrying on the operations of th^ 
campaign as would effectually promote the purposes in 
view." A committee was also appointed, consisting of Phil- 
ip Schuyler, John Mathews, and Nathaniel Peabody, to con- 
fer with M. de la Luzerne and Gen. Washington, and to 
correspond with the governors of the states, in reference to 
supplies for the French forces, &c. 

In a letter of May 20th, of little public interest. Gen. 
Washington says to Lafayette : " Finish your business as 
soon as you can, and hasten home, for so I would always 
have you consider Head Quarters and my house." Lafay- 
ette obeyed this injunction, with as much cordiality as it 
was given, and soon after returned to Head Quarters to 
await the arrival of the French fleet and army. 

At this period, the American d^xmy was in a deplorable 
state of suffering, from the want of both food and clothing. 
There was such neglect on the part of the states who were 
to furnish them quotas of supplies, and indifferance among 
the people, as caused even Washington himself almost to 
despair. " Indeed (he says to President Reed of Pennsyl- 
vania,) I have almost ceased to hope. The country in gen- 
eral is in such a state of insensibility and indiflTerence to its 
interests, that I dare not flatter myself with any change for 
the better." In the same letter he remarks : " This is a 
decisive moment ; one of the most, I will go further and 
say, the most important America has seen. The court of 
France has made a glorious effort for our deliverance, and 
if we disappoint its intention by our supineness, we must 
become contemptible in the eyes of all mankind } nor c&s 



136 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

we, after that venture to confide, that our allies will persist 
in an attempt to establish what we want inclination or abili- 
ty to assist them in." Mr. Madison entertained similar ap- 
prehensions. In a letter to Mr. Jefferson, dated June 2d, 
he said, in reference to the expected auxiliary armament 
from France : " However anxiously its arrival may be 
wished for, it is much to be feared we shall continue to be 
so unprepared to co-operate with them, as to disappoint their 
views, and to add to our distress and disgrace. Scarce a 
week, and sometimes scarce a day, but brings us a most la- 
mentable picture from Head Quarters. Strong appeals were 
made, through Congress and the several state authorities, to 
arouse the energies of the nation, and to place the army in a 
condition to co-operate efficiently with the French forces on 
their arrival. In these efforts, under these trying circum- 
stances, Washington found in Lafayette a faithful auxiliary. 
Indeed, when we consider the state of the army and the coun- 
try at this time, from the depreciation of the paper curren- 
cy, the indifference of public feeling, and the divided councils 
which prevailed — we must admit that to the exertions of 
Lafayette, which secured, against the advice of America 
itself, the aid of an armed force from France at such a crisis, 
this country is essentially indebted for the establishment of 
its independence. This noble effort of their young cham- 
pion, and the brave allies he secured to them, enkindled 
anew the hope and zeal of the Americaa people. 

Inspired by the spirit of patriotism, the ladies of Philadel- 
phia raised a large amount by subscription, to supply cloth- 
ing and necessaries for the army. While this object was 
in progress, and before he left Philadelphia, Lafayette sub- 
scribed to it, in the name of Madame Lafayette, the gener- 
ous sum of one hundred guineas. 

Preparations for the reception of the French forces, and 
for a prompt and vigorous co-operation with them, were 
continued throughout the month of June, and their arjival 
was daily and anxiously expected. At length the welcome 
intelligence was announced in a letter from Gen. Heath at 
Providence, to Gen. Washington, dated July 11th, that the 
French fleet arrived off Newport the day previous, and was 
then standing into the harbor. This letter was received by 
Gen, Washington, July 14, and its contents communica- 
ted the same day to the President of Congress. '' I con«. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 137 

gfatulate Congress, (he said,) on this important event, and 
entreat them to press every measure in their power .to put 
us, as soon as possible, in a condition to beein the intended 
co-operation with vigilance and efficiency. Three days 
thereafter, Lafayette departed from Head Quarters for Now- 
port, with full authority and instructions to arrange with 
the French general and admiral, measures for future and 
combined operations. He bore with him a letter from Gen. 
Washington to the Count de Rochambeau, in which, after 
expressing, in the name of the American army and in his 
own, an assurance of their warmest sentiments for allies 
who had so generously come to their aid. Gen. Washington 
concludes as follows: — 

" The Marquis de Lafayette has been by me desired from time to time 
to communicate such intelligence, and make such propositions, as cil'- 
cumstances dictated. I think it so important, immediately to fix our 
plan of operations, and with as much secrecy as possible, that, I have 
requested him to go himself to New London, where he will probably 
meet you. As a general officer, I have the greatest confidence in him } 
as a friend, he is perfectly acquainted witti my sentiments and opinions. 
He knows all the circumstances of our army and the country at large. 
All the information he gives, and all the propositions he makes, I en- 
treat you to consider as coming from me. I request you will settle all 
arrangements whatsoever with him ; and I shall only add, that I shall 
exactly conform to the intentions of his Most Christian Majesty, as ex- 
plained in the several papers put into my hands by his order, and sign- 
ed by his ministers. 

" Permit me to refer you to the Marquis de Lafayette for more partic- 
ular assurancesof what Ifeel on this occasion, which I the more readily 
do, from a knowledge of his peculiar affection and regard for you." 

The instructions of Gen. Washington to Lafayette, com- 
prised the basis of a plan for a combined attack upon the 
enemy at New York. In his progress to Newport, Lafay- 
ette passed several days in calling upon Gov. Trumbull, of 
Connecticut, General Parsons, the commissary-genera!, and 
other persons, to procure and hasten forward troops, and all 
the arms and ammunition which could be spared from that 
state, as well to co-operate with the French troops on their 
landing, as to supply the American army. Of these inter- 
views, he gave an account in several letters, to Gen. Wash- 
ington. 

In the mean time. Gen. Washington announced to the 
American army, in feeling and complimentary terms, by 
seiieral order of July 20th, the arrival of the French forces. 

13* 



X3S LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

He also recommended to the officers of the army, to wear 
cockades of black and white intermixed, as a symbol of the 
alliance with France, and a compliment to the French offi- 
cers who wore white cockades. 

On reaching Newport, (July 25,) Lafayette found the 
French troops disembarked, and fortifying themselves in a 
favorable position, covered by the fleet, prepared rather for 
defensive than offensive operations. They were indeed ex- 
pecting an attack from the British, having been informed 
that Gen. Clinton, with a large land and liaval force, had 
left New York with that design. Under these circumstan- 
ces, Lafayette wrote to Gen. Washington, (July 26): " We 
could not speak of our grand operations, and they_ (the 
French general and admiral,) are wholly taken in their ex- 
pectations of the enemy." 

Although the fitting out of the French armament had been 
conducted with the strictest intent of secrecy, and was un- 
known to the Americans until the arrival of Lafayette ; yet 
the British government had possessed itself of the knowl- 
edge of the nature and destination of the expedition, and 
had communicated the same to General Clinton. He was 
thus enabled to withdraw a large body of troops from the 
south to strengthen his position at New York, before the 
arrival of the French fleet, the departure of which from 
France had been delayed for one month, by contrary winds 
and other causes. It was to have sailed the first week of 
April, but did not sail till the 2d of May. Nor was this de- 
lay in the arrival of the fleet, the most serious source of dis- 
appointment to the hopes and cause of the Americans. Seven 
thousand five hundred troops were to have accompanied the 
expedition : — five thousand five hundred only were sent. 
And what was a still more serious omission, none of the 
arms, munitions of war, and clothing, which had been in-- 
cluded in the arrangements with Lafayette, and which 
were so much needed by the American army, had been for-. 
warded. These essential supplies, so unfortunately neglect- 
ed, were to be sent with the two thousand additional troops, 
by a second division of the armament. The embarrass-. 
ments thus occasioned to Gen. Washington, were great. 
In a letter to Lafayette of July 22, he says : " Unless our 
allies can lend us largely, we can attempt nothing. With 
every effort we can make, we shall fall short four or five 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 139 

thousand arms, and two hundred tons of powder." He re- 
quests the marquis to ascertain whether the French com- 
mander could assist with a loan of that quantity of arms 
and ammunition, and to inform him without delay, by ex- 
press. July 27, he says : 

" I perceive, my dear marquis, that you are determined 
to take New York, and that obstacles only increase your 
zeal. I am sorry that our prospects instead of brightening, 
grow duller. I have already written you on the subject of 
arms. There is no probability of our getting the number 
we want from the states ; so that, without the timely arrival 
of those we expect, or the assistance of our allies, this alone 
will prove an insurmountable obstacle. Our levies come 
in even slower than I expected ; though we have still an 
abundance of fair promises and some earnest of perform- 
ance from the Eastern states," 

Clinton still threatening the French at Newport with a 
combined attack, General Washington put the body of his 
troops under marching orders, and ordered those at West 
Point to King's Ferry. Of this he informed Lafayette, and 
requested him to urge upon the council of Massachusetts 
the necessity of getting ready their supplies, and particular- 
ly to "dwell upon the article of arms and ammunition." 

Lafayette anticipated the wishes and promptly obeyed 
the instructions of Washington. In the preparations for 
defence against the threatened attack, he was active and 
useful. Gen. Heath, who commanded the American forbes 
at Rhode Island, had promptly called in the aid of the militia 
from Connecticut and Massachusetts, and had concerted 
with Lafayette and the French general and admiral, a reg- 
ular plan of defence. This was communicated by Lafay- 
ette to Gen. Washington, and called forth an expression of 
his approbation. After some days, however, it was thought 
that the design of attack had been relinquished by the ene- 
my ; and Lafayette resumed with ardor his negotiations 
for the furtherance of a combined attack by the French and 
American forces, upon New York. In the mean time he 
exerted himself to relieve the disappointment expressed by 
Gen. Washington, from the want of clothing, and procured 
from the fleet a small supply, which he forwarded to Head 
Qurters. He also endeavored, with equal zeal, to procure 
from the French fleet, and from the governor of Connecti- 



140 LIFE OF LAFAYBTTE. 

cut, a supply of arms and ammunition. He communicated 
to Gen. Washington the almost hopeless prospect of success 
in this matter. Gov. Trumbull, of Connecticut, thought 
there were great difficulties in the way, and Lafayette ex- 
pressed only the hope, that the French fleet would spare 
some powder, " not, however, a great deal." Such were 
the privations and difficulties of the period. 

Lafayette labored with Count Rochambeau, to induce 
him to consent to immediate offensive operations. The 
count was disposed to act with caution, and to await the 
arrival of the second division of his expedition. The pro- 
gress of these negotiations were regularly reported to Gen, 
Washington. On the 31st July, Lafayette wrote: "My 
dear general — In consequence of a note from me, the admi- 
ral came to last evening, and offensive ideas gave way to 
offensive plans. Our conversation was long, and it is not 
yet ended, but I hasten to write you a summary report of 
what passed between the count, the chevalier, and myself." 
The "offensive plans," corresponded with those of General- 
Washington for an attack upon New York — dependent, 
however, upon the arrival of the expected re-inforcements. 
In the conclusion of this letter, Lafayette expresses his 
gratification at the zeal manifested by the French army, 
and the harmony which prevailed between the French and 
Americans, as follows: 

" The French army hate the idea of staying here, and wait to join 
you ; they swear at those that speak of waiting for the second division ; 
tliey are enraged to be blockaded in this harbor. As to the dispositions 
of the inhabitants and our troops, and the dispositions of the inhabitants 
and the militia for them, they are such as I may wish. You would 
have been glad the other day to see two hundred and fifty of our drafts 
that came on from Connecticut without provisions or tents, and who 
were mixed in such a way with the French troops^ that every French 
soldier and ofncer took an American with him and divided their bed 
and their supper in the most friendly manner. 

" The patience and sobriety of our militia is so much admired by the 
French officers, that two days ago a French Colonel called all his offi- 
cers together to desire them to take the good examples which were given 
to the French soldiers by the American troops. So far are they gone 
in their admirations that they find a great deal to say in favor of Gen- 
eral Varnum, and his escort of militia dragoons, who fill up all the 
streets of Newport. On the other hand, the French discipline is such, 
that chickens and pigs walk between the tents withoutbeing disturbed, 
and that there is in the camp a cornfield^ from which not one leaf has- 
been touched. The Tories don't know what to say to it/' 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 141 

But, mor6 positive demonstrations of attack, were soon 
manifested by th e enemy. On the 31st of July, Gen. Wash- 
ington wrote to Lafayette and Count de Rochambeau, that 
Sir Henry Clinton had sailed with a force of about eight 
thousand men, for the purpose of attackino^ the French po- 
sition at Newport ; and that he (Gen. Washington,) had 
put his whole army in motion towards New York, for the 
purpose of attacking it in the absence of Clinton, if the 
force remaining there did not exceed what he had reason 
to believe. By the junction of Admiral Graves with Ad- 
miral Arbuthnot, about the time of the arrival of the French 
fleet, the British had secured upon the coast a decided naval 
superiority. Sir Henry Clinton, therefore, formed a plan 
of a joint operation of his land and naval forces against 
the French at Newport, and having marched six thousand 
troops from New York to Frog's Neck, embarked them on 
the 27th of July, on board transports to proceed through 
the sound for that purpose. Such, however, had been the 
delay, that the French had become well fortified, and the 
American militia had assembled in large forces, to aid in 
the defence. Being informed of these facts, and of the 
rapid march of Gen. Washington towards New York, Sir 
Henry Clinton deemed it prudent to abandon the expedition. 
He therefore crossed the sound to Huntington Bay, where 
the troops were disembarked on the 31st of July, and hast' 
ened back to New York. 

In the mean time, the exertions of Lafayette had been 
diverted from his negotiations, to measures of defence. 
He informed Gen. Washington of these, and that he was to 
have command of the vanguard of Gen. Heath's forces, on 
the island, "If the enemy land, (he says,) I will try to 
oppose it, and the French will come in columns to attack 
them with fixed bayonets." In the same letter, he says : 
" If you think seriously of entering on the Island of New 
York, I am extremely sorry to stay here." He was anx- 
ious, in that event, to command the corps which had been 
assigned to him, and desired Gen. Washington, if there was 
time, to send for him. The abandonment of the projected 
attack, however, by Sir Henry Clinton, changed the aspect 
of affairs. The militia, except about three thousand who 
were called out for three months, were dismissed from Rhode 
Island : Gen. Washington retraced his steps, and Lafayette 



142 LIFE or LAFAYETTE. 

resumed his conferences with the French commanders. In 
reference to these, Gen. Washington wrote to him, from 
Peekskill, August 3d, as follows : — 

" My dear Marquis — The blunders which have been made with 
respect to arms, ammunition, and clothing, are serious disappointments. 
I think, however, from a closer inspection of our means, that we shall 
be able to collect nearly arms enough to put into the hands of our re- 
cruits, and powder enough to undertake the enterprise, if in the course 
of the operation we can depend on the fifty tons expected from France, 
and can obtain fifty tons more from the fleet. I would not wish you 
to press the French general and admiral to anything to which they 
show a disinclination, especially to the withdrawing of their troops 
from Rhode Island before the second division arrives to give them a 
naval superiority. Should they yield to importunity and an accident 
happen, either there or here, they would lay the consequences to us. 
Only inform them what we can do, what we are willing to under- 
take, and let them entirely consult their own inclination for the 

" Your Light Infantry is formed, about two thousand fine men ; but the 
greater part oi them are without clothing." 

In a subsequent letter, Gen. Washington expresses his 
approbation of the course Lafayette had taken at Newport. 
" I rejoice, (he said,) in the approbation your countrymen 
give to mine, and in the marks of mutual good will. The 
alliance ought to be cemented in affection, and you will be 
justly dear to both countries for the share you have in bind- 
ing it by those powerful and pleasing ties." 



CHAPTER XII. 

Lafayette returns to Head Quarters. His favorite command of Light 
Infantry. His liberality to it. Thatcher's des«ription of. Anxious 
for the attack of New York. Correspondence with Count Rocham- 
beau. The Count offended. Lafayette's explanations. Admonito- 
ry letter of Count Rochambeau. Lafayette accompanies Gen. Wash- 
ington to Hartford. Interview between the American and French 
commanders. Return to West Point. Treason of Arnold. Its de- 
tection. Arrest of Andre. Lafayette's account of these events. 
One of the Board of Officers which tried Andre. Concurs in the ex- 
pediency of his execution. 

Lafayette arrived at Head Quarters on the 7th of Au- 
gust, and took command of the new corps of Light Infantry, 
mentioned near the close of the preceeding chapter. This 



LIFfi OF LAFAYETTE. l43 

corps had been selected from the different regiments of the 
main army, and organized expressly for the command of 
Lafayette, during the campaign. It consisted of six bat- 
talions, of eight companies each, arranged in two brigades, 
one of which was commanded by Gen. Hand, and the other 
by Gen. Poor. Its station was in advance of the main 
army. The assignment to him of this corps was a deserved 
compliment to Lafayette, and was by him highly appreci- 
ated. We have seen it described by Gen. Washington, as 
'' two thousand fine men ; but the greater part of them with- 
out clothing.'^ This afforded to Lafayette a new opportu- 
nity of exercising his liberality. He presented to each 
officer of the corps an elegant sword, and the soldiers were 
clothed in uniform at his expense. Banners, with appro- 
priate devices, which he had brought from France, were 
presented to each battalion. Upon one of these a cannon 
was painted, with the motto. Ultima ratio, (the last appeal,) 
suppressing the word regnum, (the king.) as used in Europe ; 
and upon another, a crown of laurel united with a civic 
crown, with the motto. No other. " He infused into this 
corps (says Thatcher) a spirit of pride and emulation, view- 
ing it as one formed and modelled according to his own 
wishes, and as deserving his highest confidence. They 
were the pride of his heart, and he the idol of their regard ; 
constantly panting for an opportunity of accomplishing 
some signal achievement worthy of this and their character* 
This corps was pronounced equal to any that could be pro- 
duced in any cocntry." 

Lafayette had embraced the plan of a combined attack 
upon the enemy at New York, with his usual ardor, arid 
was for prosecuting it with his wonted perseverance. Soon 
after his return to Head Quarters, he wrote to the French 
general and admiral, (August 9th,) stating in detail the sub- 
stance of his late conferences with them at Newport, and 
the points upon which they had agreed, in reference to fu- 
ture operations. His object was, to obtain from them a 
confirmation in writing of his own verbal statements, for 
the eye of Gen. Washington, that there might be no room 
for misunderstanding between the Commander-in-chief and 
the commanders of the French fleet and army. This diplo- 
matic formula was not altogether pleasing to Count de 
RochambeaUi He answered (August 12,) in the spirit of 



144 , LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

kindness, but with evident chagrin. He had written, he 
said, his views in full to Gen. Washington. " I am now, 
therefore, (he adds,) waiting for his last orders, and I have 
earnestly requested him to grant me the favor of an inter- 
view, that the admiral and I may receive from his own lips 
the last plan he has decided upon. We should do more in 
a quarter of an hour's conversation than we could do by 
multiplied despatches." He justifies the continuance of the 
French in their position at Rhode Island, as the most pru- 
dent and efficient policy which he could adopt, until the 
arrival of the expected second division of the French forces. 
Lafayette in reply, disavowed all intention of reflecting upon 
the general's conduct, and expressed himself hurt, that such 
an interpretation should have been given to his communi- 
cation, asking for a written statement of their late confer- 
ences. This was done, he said, at the request of General 
Washington, who believed that the best way of interchang- 
ing their views on the subject of the campaign, was to write 
them down. The only time, he said, when he had taken the 
liberty of speaking for himself, was when, wearied by the 
questions which had been put to him by a thousand Ameri- 
cans about the expected second division, and the superiority 
of the English at that period, he had yielded to his ardent 
wish of entering at once on action, and to the hope of com- 
mencing operations immediately. '' If you had heard (he 
remarked) that second division spoken of, sir, as I have 
done ; if you knew how strongly the English and Tories 
endeavor to persuade the Americans that France only 
wishes to kindle, without extinguishing the flame, you would 
readily conceive, that my desire of silencing these reports 
might have inspired me, perhaps, with too much warmth. 
I will confide to you, that thus placed in a foreign country, 
my self-love is wounded by seeing the French blockaded at 
Rhode Island, and the pain I feel induces me to wish the 
operations to commence." In reference to the proposed 
interview between General Washington and the French 
commanders, Lafayette said to them : " I will do all that 
depends upon me, gentlemen, to prevail upon the General to 
meet you half way ; but from his proximity to the enemy, 
and from the present situation of the army, w^hich he has 
never quitted since the war, I fear it will appear to him 
very difficult to absent himself," 



Life of lafayetts. 145 

tn the conclusioil oF this interesting correspondence, 
creditable alike to the feelings and patriotism of Lafayette 
and the veteran Count Rochambeau, the latter gently re- 
proved his young friend for the impatient ardor he had ex- 
hibited ; and repeated the vindication of his own more cau- 
tious views, as justified by his long military experience and 
practice. He repeated his earnest desire for an immediate 
interview, between Gen. Washington, the French admiral 
and himself, to consult together upon plans of operation ; 
and concluded in these words : " It is always the aged fa- 
ther, Rochambeau, who is addressing his dear son Lafay- 
ette, whom he loves, and will ever Jove and esteem until 
his latest breath." 

The interview so anxiously desired by the French gen- 
eral and admiral, was at length consented to by General 
•Washington. He had been reluctant to leave the army, 
even for this object ; and upon this, as upon other points, 
his views had been truly represented by Lafayette. But, 
Admiral Guichen, who was in the West Indies with a 
French squadron, had been written to by Lafa5^ette, Gen. 
Rochambeau, and also by Gen. Washington himself, re- 
questing him to come with his squadron to re-inforce the 
French fleet at Newport; and Washington had received 
Such information as led him to believe that the Count was 
then approaching the American coast. Deeming it there- 
fore, important to be prepared for immediate action against 
the enemy at New York, should this reinforcement arrive, 
he had appointed the interview at Hartford, Conn, on the 
20th of September ; and on the 17th, he left the American 
camp, accompanied by Lafayette and Gen. Knox, with an 
imposing retinue, for that purpose. This interview, much 
to the gratification of Lafayette, had a tendency to cement 
friendly personal relations, and to produce harmonious 
views of military co-operations, between the French and 
American commanders ; but, under existing circumstances, 
no definite plan could be agreed upon, for future action. It 
was unanimously conceded, that a naval superiority was 
essential to the projects contemplated. The frigate Alli- 
ance had arrived from France, with the welcome supply of 
two thousand stand of arms, several cannon, and a quan- 
tity of powder, for the American army ; but with the in» 

13 



J46 tiFE Of LAFAYETTE. 

telligence that the squadron and troops, forming the ex- 
pected second division of Count de Rochambeau's forces, 
were blockaded in the harbor at Brest by an English fleet 
of thirty-two sail. The French at Newport, continued to 
be blockaded by a superior British force, and it was soon 
ascertained that Count de Guichen, instead of complying 
with the request of his American friends, bad left the West 
Indies and sailed for France, while the naval superiority 
of the English on the coast was rendered still more decided 
by the arrival of Admiral Rodney at New York, with ten 
ships of the line. In the mean time, the disastrous news 
had been received, of the defeat of the American army un^ 
der Gen. Gates, near Camden, S. C, in which the greater 
part of his best troops were cut off. From this time, no 
favorable change of circumstances permitted the contempla- 
ted attack upon New York, or any other efficient operation, . 
during the campaign. 

We have stated the reluctance of Gen. Washington, to 
consent to the conference at Hartford, as though he had 
foreseen that the genius of evil would take advantage of his 
absence. Nor were his forebodings without cause. The 
traitor Arnold, availed himself of that opportunity to consum- 
mate his treason — a deed of infamy, the essential features 
of which are known to every American, who is old enough 
to have read the outlines of his country's history. He had 
for more than twelve months meditated the act of treason ; 
and had held a correspondence with Sir Henry Clinton, 
even while, laboring under the effects o(^ wounds honora- 
bly received in the cause of his country, and unfit for ac- 
tive service, he commanded in the city of Philadelphia. 
For the purpose of striking a more effectual blow,- and ex- 
acting a higher reward, he had lately solicited and ob- 
tained the appointment to the command of the important 
fortress of West Point. This position he had arranged to 
deliver to the enemy ; and Major Andre, adjutant-general 
of the British army, had been deputed by Sir Henry Clin- 
ton to negotiate with Arnold the mode and the terms, 
for accomplishing this nefarious object. Arnold had ap- 
plied to Washington and to Lafayette, for the names of 
their secret agents and correspondents in New York ; 
which were of course refused. His intention doubtless wasj 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 147 

to betray those names, and cut off these sources of infor- 
mation. But Washington still reposed implicit confidence 
in Arnold ; informed him, by letter of 12th September, that 
he should be at Fishkill on the Sunday evening following, 
on his way to Hartford, to meet the French admiral, and 
general, and enjoined him, in conclusion, " you will keep 
this to yourself, as I wish to make my journey a secret." 
Arnold met Washington at Fishkill on the 18th, and show- 
ed him a letter from Col. Robinson, on board the Vulture, 
(British vessel) requesting an interview with Arnold, to con- 
sult upon some private affairs. Washington told him to re- 
fuse the interview. 

The Vulture had been sent up the river by Sir Henry 
Clinton, with Andre on board, at Arnold's request ; and on 
the departure of General Washington, he immediately set 
about the completion of his plan, with a precipitancy and 
confusion of intellect which probably defeated his purpose. 
The hand of a righteous Providence was again stretched 
forth to confound the traitor and to uphold the cause of lib- 
erty. Andre came on shore, under the fictitious name of 
John Anderson, and met Arnold near Long Cove, on the 
night of the 21st ; and after a long interview, they repair- 
ed to the house of Smith, within the lines of the American 
pickets, to complete their conference. After laying con- 
cealed the next day, contrary to his own wish, but by the 
arrangement of Arnold, he pursued the route by land for 
New York, instead of returning on board the Vulture. In 
this attempt, as is well known, he was captured near Tarry 
Town, by Paulding, Williams, and Van Wart, and papers 
in Arnold's hand-writing, found in his boots, which proved 
his character, and the treason of Arnold. 

Gen. Washington, accompanied by Lafayette, reached 
West Point, on their return from Hartford, on the morning 
of the 25th. Instead of going directly to Robinson's house, 
in which Arnold resided, and which was on the side of the 
river, opposite to West Point, and some distance below, he 
crossed over, for the purpose of showing to Lafayette the 
fortifications which had been constructed during his late 
visit to France ; otherwise they would have been present 
when Arnold received information of Andre's arrest. The 
following letter from Lafayette to the Chevalier de la Lu- 
zerne, expresses his feeling on the occasion, and all the 



148 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

facts of the case which may be appropriately inserted in 
this work : ■' 

" Rohinson House, opposite TV. Point, Sept. 26, 1780. 

" When I parted from you yesterday, sir, to come and breakfast here 
with General Arnold, we were far from foreseeing the event which 1 
am now going to relate to you. You will shudder at the danger to 
which we were exposed ; you will admire the miraculous chain of un- 
expected events and singular chances that have saved us ; but you will 
be still more astonished when you learn by what instrument this con- 
spiracy has been formed. West Point was sold — and sold by Arnold %. 
the same man who formerly acquired glory by rendering such immense 
services to his country. He had lately entered into a horrible compact 
with the enemy, and but for the accident which brought us here at a 
certain hour, but for the combination of chances that threw the adju- 
tant-general of the English army in the hands of some peasants, beyond 
the limits ot our stations. West Point and the North River, we should 
both at present, in all probability, be in possession of the enemy. 

" When we set out yesterday for Fishkill, we were preceded by one 
of my aides-de-camp, and one of General Washington's [Cols. Hamil- 
ton and McHenry] who found General Arnold and his wife at break- 
fast, and sat down at table with them. Whilst they were together, 
two letters were given to Arnold, which apprised him of the arrestra- 
tion ot the spy. He ordered a horse to be saddled, went into his wife's 
room to tell her he was ruined, and desired his aid-de-camp to inform 
General Washington that he was going to West Point and would re- 
turn in the course of an hour. 

" On our arrival here, we crossed the river and went to examine the 
works. You may conceive our astonishment when we learnt, on our 
return, that the arrested spy was Major Andre, adjutant-general of the 
English army ; and when amongst his papers were discovered the copy 
of an important council of war, the state of the garrison and works, and 
observations upon various means of attack and defence, the whole in 
Arnold's own hand writing. 

" The adjutant-general wrote also to the general, avowing his name 
and situation. Orders were sent to arrest Arnold ; but he escaped in 
a boat, got on board the English frigate the Vulture, and as no person 
suspected his flight, he was not stopped at any post. Colonel Hamil^ 
ton, who had gone in pursuit of him, received soon after by a flag of 
truce, a letter from Arnold to the General, in which he entered into no 
details to justify his treachery, and a letter from the English comman- 
der, Robertson, who, in a very insolent manner, demanded that the ad- 
jutant-general should be delivered up to them, as he had only acted 
with the permission of General Arnold. 

" The first care of the General has been to assemble, at West Point, 
the troops that, under various pretences, Arnold had dispersed. We 
remain here to w^atch over the safety of a fort, that the English may 
respect less as they become better acquainted with it. Continental 
troops have been summoned here, and as Arnold's advice may deter- 
mine Clinton to make a sudden movement, the army has received or^; 
ders to be prepared to march at a moment's warning." 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 140 

The treason of Arnold, and the fortunate escape from its 
threatened calamity, caused emotions of surprise, indigna- 
tion, joy, and gratitude, throughout the American continentc 
The good Count de Rochambeau wrote to Lafayette on the 
occasion: " Providence has declared itself for us, my dear 
Marquis, and that important interview, which I have so 
long wished for, and which has given me so much pleas- 
ure, has been crowned by a peculiar mark of the favor of 
Heaven. The Chevalier de la Luzerne has not yet arrived ; 
I took the liberty of opening your letter to him, in which I 
found all the details of that horrible conspiracy, and I am 
penetrated with mingled feelings, of grief at the event, and 
of joy at the discovery." 

The fate of Andre, inveigled, contrary to his original in- 
tention, by a cold blooded traitor, within the American 
iines ; tried, condemned, and ignominiously executed as a 
spy, must be regretted by all who persne the evidences of 
his personal worth and amiable character. But it was jus- 
tified by the usages of war and the stern law of necessity. 
Lafayette was one of the Board of Officers by whom Andre 
was tried and condemned ; and while, in common with Gen. 
Washington and all the officers of the American army, he 
regretted the ignominious fate of the young Englishman, he 
concurred fully in the justice and expediency of his sen- 
tence and execution. 



CHAPTER XVL 

Lafayette's continued anxiety, and projects, for active employment. 
The Chevalier de Chastellux. His visit to the American camp. To- 
Lafayette's encampment. Opinion of Washington and Lafayette, 
Attack on York Island abandoned. Lafayette's favorite corps dis- 
banded. He repairs to Philadelphia. Proposes to join the southern 
army. Change in the French ministry. New hopes inspired. Mu- 
tiny of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey soldiers. Lafayette's re- 
turn to Head Quarters. Its object. Mission of Col. Laurens to 
France. Letters of Lafayette. To Count de Vergennes. To Ma- 
dame Lafayette. 

Re-established at Head Quarters, and in command of 
his favorite Light Infantry corps, the inactivity of the army- 
soon became irksome to Lafayette. His mind was constant- 

13* 



150 LIFE OF LAFAYETTg. 

ly occupied with plans to harass the enemy, as well ag 
upon projects for more extended action. This gallant spirit 
was appreciated by Gen. Washington, and he was ready 
to gratify it upon every proper occasion. In a letter ta 
Doct. Franklin, dated October 11th, he remarked : '' I was 
very much obliged by the letter, which you did me the hon- 
or to write by our amiable friend, the Marquis de Lafayette, 
whose exertions to serve this country in his own, are addi- 
tional proofs of his zealous attachment to our cause, and 
have endeared him to us still more. He came out flushed 
with expectations of a decisive campaign, and fired with 
hopes of acquiring fresh laurels ; but in both he has been 
disappointed ; for we have been condemned to an inactivi- 
ty as inconsistent with the situation of our affairs, as with 
the ardor of his temper." 

An expedition was projected by Lafayette to surprise the 
enemy's post upon Staten Island. On the night of the 26th 
October, he repaired with his light corps to Elizabethtowrs 
Point, accompanied by Gen. Lee with his cavalry^ for the 
purpose of making the descent: but there being a failure 
on the part of those who were to supply boats, and make 
other necessary preparations, the expedition, much to the 
mortification and regret of Lafayette, had to be abandoned. 
'' The only advantage (he wrote to Gen. Washington) I 
have got from it, has been to convince myself that our troops 
are particularly fit for such an expedition, on account of their 
patience and silence ; and that if the other business [against 
- N. York] could be supported upon a large scale, I would en- 
gage to carry it." " Had I any thing to reproach myself with 
on the occasion, I should be inconsolable. I undertook the bu- 
siness because I thought myself equal to it; I wish the people 
in the quartermaster's department had done the same thing. '^ 

Siill anxious to close the campaign by some brilliant ef- 
fort or exploit, on the 30th of October, Lafayette submitted 
to Gen. Washington, a plan for an attack upon the upper 
posts of the enemy at New York, and urged its adoption with 
much earnestness. In reply, Gen. Washington said : " It is 
impossible, my dear marquis, to desire more ardently than I 
do to terminate the campaign by some happy stroke ; but 
we must consult our means rather than our wishes, and not 
endeavor to better our affairs by attempting things which, 
for want of success, may make them worse.'* He had had 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 151 

an eye, he said, to the point mentioned, but deemed his pres- 
ent force inadequate to the attempt. 

But the plan was not entirely abandoned. In the month 
of November, extensive preparations and reconnoitrings 
were made, with an ultimate view to this expedition. In 
the midst of these preparations, the Chevalier de Chastellux, 
and several of the most distinguished ofRcers of the French 
army at Newport, paid a visit to the American encampments. 
The Chevalier de Chastellux, taking advantage of the inac- 
tivity of the army, was the.n on his travels through the mid- 
die states, and has' given his valuable work, which is now 
in few hands, an interesting account of this visit. We 
have only room for that portion of it which relates to his 
distinguished countryman. The Chevalier had lodged, on 
the night of the 22d November, at Haverstraw. 

" The 23d (he says) I set out at eight o'clock, with the intention of 
arriving in good time at the Marquis de Lafayette's camp ; for I had 
learned that the army was not to move that day, and I was 
desirous of being presented by him to General Washington. The 
shortest road was by Paranms ; but my guide insisted upon my turning 
to the northward, assuring me that the other road was not safe, that 
it was infested by tories, and that he always avoided it, when he had 
letters to carry. I took the road to the right therefore, and followed 
for some time the rivulet of Romopog ; I then turned to the left, and 
soon got into the township of Pompton, and into the Totohaw road: 
but being informed that it led me straight to the main body of the army, 
without passing by the van commanded by M. de Lafayette, I inquired 
for some cross road to his quarters, and one was pointed out to me, by 
which, passing near a sort of lake which forms a very agreeable point 
of view, and then crossing some very beautiful woods, I arrived at a 
stream which falls into Second river, exactly at the spot where M. de 
Lafayette was encamped. His posts lined the rivulet ; they were well 
disposed, and in good order. At length I arrived at the camp ; but 
the Marquis was not there ; apprised of my coming by the Vicomte de 
Noailles, he had gone to wait for me at seven miles distance, at Head 
Quarters, where he thought I should direct my course. He had sent, 
however. Major Gimat, and one of his aids-de-camp to meet me, but 
they had taken the two roads to Paramus ; so that by his precautions, 
and those of my guide, I was, as they say in English, completely dis- 
appointed, for it was two o'clock, and I had already travelled thirty 
miles without stopping. I was in the utmost impatience to embrace 
M. de Lafayette, and to see General Washington, but I could not 
make my horses partake of it. It was proposed to me to proceed 
directly to Head Quarters, because, said they, I might perhaps arrive 
in time for dinner. But seeing the impossibihty of that, and being in 
a country where I was known, I desired some oats for my horses. 
Whilst they were making this slight repast, I went to see the camp of 
the 3Iarquis ; it is thus they call M. de Lafayette, the English language 



t^'2 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE i 

being fond of abridgements, and titles uncommon in America. I found 
this camp placed in an excellent position ; it occupied two heights sep- 
arated by a small bottom, but with an easy communication between 
them. The river Totohaw or Second river, protects its right, and it is 
here that it makes a considerable elbow, and turning towards the south, 
falls at length into the bay of Newark. The principal part of the front, 
and all the left flank, to a great distance, are covered by the rivulet 
which comes from Pa ram us, and falls into the same river. This posi- 
tion is only twenty miles (rom New York island ; and was accordingly 
occupied by the vanguard, consisting of light infantry, that is tosay,by 
the picked corps of the American army ; the regiments in fact which 
compose it, have no grenadiers, but only a company of light infantry, 
answering to our Chasseurs, and ol whom battalions are formed at the 
beginning of the campaign. This troop made a good appearance, were 
better clothed than the rest of the army, the uniforms both of the offi- 
cers and Soldiers were smart and military, and each soldier wore a hel- 
met made of hard leather, with a crest of horse hair. The officers are 
armed with espontoons, or rather with half pikes, and the subalterns 
with fusils: but both were provided with short and light sabres brought 
from France, and made a present of to them by M. de Lafayette." 

His approach to Head Quarters, and introduction to Gen. 
Washington, are thus described : — 

" At length, after riding two miles along the right flank of the army, 
and after passing thick woods on the right, I found myself in a small 
plain, where I saw a handsome farm ; a small camp which seemed to 
cover it, a large lent extended in the court, and several wagons round 
it, convinced me that this was his excellency's quarter ; for it is thus 
Mr. Washington is called in the army, and throughout America. 
M. de Lafayette was in conversation with a tall man, five foot nine 
inches high, (about live foot ten inches and a half English,) of a noble 
and mild countenance. It was the general himself. I was soon off 
horseback and near him. The compliments were short ; the senti- 
ments with which I was animated, and the good Avishes he testified for 
me were not equivocal. He conducted me to his house, where I found 
the company still at table, although the dinner had been long over. 
He presented me to the Generals Knox, Wayne, Howe, &c. and to his 
family, then composed of Colonels Hamilton and Tilgman, his secreta- 
ries and his aids-de-camp, and of Major Gibbs, commander of his 
guards ; for in England and America, the aids-de-camp, adjutants and 
other officers attached to the general, form what is called his family. 
A fresh dinner was prepared for me and mine ; and the present was 
prolonged to keep me company. A few glasses of claret and madeira 
accelerated the acquaintances I had to make, and I soon felt myself at 
my ease near the greatest and best of men. The goodness and benev- 
olence which characterize him, are evident from every thing about him ; 
but the confidence he gives birth to, never occasions improper familiar- 
ity ; for the sentiment he inspires has the same origin in every individ- 
ual, a profound esteem for his virtues, and a high opinion of his taK 
ents," 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 153 

Chastellux became the guest of Gen. Washington. The 
next day, amidst a rain storm, he reviewed a portion of the 
troops, and visited, with Gen. Washington, the camp of La- 
fayette, 

" The rain (he says) appearing to cease, or inclined to cease, for a 
moment, we availed ourselves of the opportunity to follow his excel- 
lency to the camp of the Marquis ; we found all his troops in order of 
battle on the heights to the left, and himself at their head ; expressing . 
by his air and countenance, that he was happier in receiving me there, 
than at his estate in Auvergne. The confidence and attachment of the 
troops, are for him invaluable possessions, well acquired riches, of which 
nobody can deprive him ; but what, in my opinion, is still more flatter' 
ing for a young man of his age, is the influence and consideration he 
has acquired among the political, as well as the military order : I do 
not fear contradiction when I say, that private letters from him have 
frequently produced more effect on some states, than the strongest ex- 
hortations of the Congress. On seeing him, one is at a loss which most 
to admire, that so young a man as he should have given such eminent 
proofs of talents, or that a man so tried, should give hopes of so long a 
career of glory. Fortunate his country, if she knows how to avail her- 
self of them ; more fortunate still should she stand in no need of calling 
them into exertion !" 

To this testimonial, the translator of Chastellux adds, by 
way of note : — 

" It is impossible to paint the esteem and affection with which this 
French nobleman is regarded in America, It is to be surpassed only 
by the love of their illustrious chief. He has found the secret of win*- 
ning all tjieir hearts : nor to those who know him is it matter of any 
wonder. To the gentlest and most courteous manner, he unites a 
frankness, which is supposed to be not the general characteristic of his 
countrymen 5 his deportment is dignified without pride ; and his zeal, 
activity, and enthusiasm in the cause of America, distinct from all the 
political views of co-operation with the wishes of his court, added to a 
sincere and uniform admiration of the greatest and best character of 
the age, completely endeared this excellent young man to grateful 
America. The Marquis was never spoken of in the hearing of the 
Translator, without manifest tokens of attachment and affection." 

On the 27th November, the advanced parries were recall- 
ed, and the attack on the enemy's posts on York Island was 
finally abandoned. Lafayette, (according to Thatcher.) at 
the head of his beautiful corps of Light Infantry, constantly 
advancino; in front, was to have commenced the attack in 
the night, and the whole army was prepared to make a 
general attack on the enemy's works. But some move^ 
jnents of the British vessels, and other causes which have 



154 LIFE OF LAFAYETTR. 

not been publicly stated, induced the relinquishment of this 
last effort of the campaign, to the renewed disappointment of 
Lafayette. That Lafayette concurred in the propriety of 
relinquishing this favorite project, however, may be infer- 
red by a letter to General Washington, dated Nov. 28, at 
ParamuSj where, it would appear, he had gone for the pur- 
pose of reconnoitring to upper posts of the British. " We 
arrived (he said) last night at this place, and were much 
favored by the weather in our recognizing of the island, 
where, I confess, my feelings were different from what I 
had experienced when looking at these forts with a hopeful 
eye." 

Lafayette's brilliant corps of Light Infantry, was disband- 
ed, and the chosen men who composed it were returned to 
their respective regiments. The whole army (the last of 
November,) went into winter quarters ; the Pennsylvania 
line at Morristown, the New Jersey regiments at Pompton, 
and the eastern troops in the Highlands-. Gen. Washing- 
ton's head quarters were at New Windsor. 

The campaign being thus ended, Lafayette repaired, the 
fore part of December, to Philadelphia, to be at the focus 
of intelligence, and the more conveniently to conduct his 
extensive correspondence, which was entirely devoted to 
the interests of America. In the gay circles of that city, 
he might have passed the season in peaceful pursuits, and 
social enjoym.ents. But his whole soul was in the cause 
he had espoused ; he was anxious as ever to be actively 
emploj^ed in that cause, and his mind was continually occu- 
pied with plans for ils advancement. Even before he left 
Head Quarters, he had suggested to Gen. Washington, the 
idea of joining Gen. Greene, who then commanded the army 
in the southern states, where the campaign was likely to be 
active and arduous. " I hate (he said) the ideaof being from 
you for so long a time, but I think I ought not to be idle." 
From Philadelphia, he corresponded almost daily, with Gen. 
Washington, communicating to him all that passed, and 
all that he heard of interest; and consulting and advising 
with him upon plans of operation. On the 4lh and 5th of 
December, he again suggests going to the south, provided 
there should be no prospects of active service at the north ; 
on which contingency he received Washington's consent to 
his joining Gen, Greene. He also informed Gen. Wash- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. lo5 

ington of advices, that the Spaniards were about sending 
expeditions against the British settlements in the Floriclas, 
and suggested a plan of formidable co-operation with them, 
against the enemy in South Carolina. " Nothing against 
New York (he said,) can be undertaken before the end of 
May. Any thing, therefore, that could employ us during 
February, March, and April, is w^orthy of our attention." 
Washington concurred also with Lafayette in these views, 
but as no event of importance grew out of the negotia- 
tions, a further notice of the correspondence on the subject 
is unnecessary to our purpose. From one of Gen. Wash- 
ington's letters, however, we quote the following illustration 
of the low state of American finances at that period : " The 
Chevalier de la Luzerne's despatches came in time for the 
post, which is the only means left me for the conveyance of 
letters, there not being so much money in the hands of the 
quartermaster general, (I believe I might go further and 
say, in those of the whole army,) as would bear the expense 
of an express to Rhode Island. I could not get one the 
other day to ride as far as Pompton !" 

About the middle of December, intelligence was received 
of a change in the French Cabinet, the appointment of the 
Marquis de Castries, as minister of the marine department, 
in the room of M. de Sartine, which the friends of America 
deemed favorable to their cause. The hope from this 
change, and other circumstances, of additional and speedy 
aid from France, and hence more early and efficient action 
at the north, induced Lafayette to abandon his contempla- 
ted southern journey. 

Lafayette was preparing to leave Philadelphia for Gen. 
Washington's Head Quarters, when the dangerous mutiny 
of the soldiers of the Pennsylvania line at Morristown took 
place. It occurred on the night of January 1st, 1781. 
About thirteen hundred men paraded in arms, and refused 
obedience to their officers ; killed one officer and wounded 
several, in the attempt to restore obedience ; and marched 
in a body, with six pieces of cannon, to Princeton, on theii* 
way to Philadelphia, with the avowed intention of demand- 
ing fi'om Congress a redress of their grievances. General 
Wayne, who commanded at Morristown, followed the mu- 
tineers to Princeton, and obtained from them a declara- 
tion of their grievances, which were, that many soldiers 



l5o LIFE OF LAFAYEtTi^. 

had been detained beyond the term of their enlistment ; that - 
the arrearages of pay and depreciation of money had not 
been made up ; and that they were suffering every priva- 
tion for want of money and clothes. Commissioners from 
the state of Pennsylvania and from Congress, immediately 
repaired to them at Princeton. Lafayette, leaving Phila- 
delphia for Plead Quarters, with General St. Clair and 
Col. Laurens, and being a great favorite with the soldiers, 
was requested by Congress ta call at Princeton, and aid in 
the measures of pacification. But so judicious and success- 
ful had been the efforts of Gsn. Wayne and his associates, 
towards effecting the compromise, that Lafayette made but 
a brief stay, and arrived at the Head Quarters of General 
Washington on the 11th of January. A portion of the 
troops of the New Jersey line, soon followed the example of 
tiiose of Pennsylvania ; but Washington having promptly 
despatched General Howe with a detachment consisting of 
troops which had belon;],ed to Lafayette's corps of Light 
Infantry, the mutineers were surrounded and subdued, and 
two of the rinnjleaders executed. 

These circumstances were not the result of actual defec- 
tions to the cause. They sprang from a state of suffering 
almost too great for human nature to endure. And it isto 
the eternal honor of the brave soldiers of that trying cri- 
sis, that the fidelity and fortitude of so few of them gave 
way. While the Pennsylvania troops were yet in a state 
of mutiny. Sir Henry Clinton transmitted to them a letter, 
offering them large rewards to join the British standard ; 
but they spurned the base offer, and delivered up the com-* 
munication, with the two emissaries who brought it, to Gen* 
Wayne ; and these emissaries were tried and executed in 
the presence of the revolted troops, on the 11th of January. 
Writing to the Governor of New Hampshire, Gen. Wash- 
ington said : " The aggravated calamities and distresses 
that have resulted from the total want of pay for twelve 
months, the want of clothing at a severe season, and not 
unfrequently the want of provisions, are beyond descrip- 
tion." Such was the state of affairs, the exhausted resour- 
ces of the country and the want of organized plans and effi- 
cient powers for drawing forth those which remained, that 
a general opinion was prevalent, that without essential aid 
from France, for the coniing campaign, opposition to Brit- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 157 

ish dominion must soon be abandoned. Under these cir- 
curastances, Col. Laurens, one of the aids of Gen. Wash- 
ington, was commissioned by Congress to visit France, and 
impress upon the French government, from his personal 
knowledge, the true state of the country, civil and military ; 
and to solicit those succors, in men, money, supplies for the 
tirmy, and particularly a naval superiority, which were 
essential in the then critical posture of affairs. The visit 
of Col. Laurens, with Lafayette, to Head Quarters, was for 
the purpose of consulting with Gen. Washington upon the 
subject of his mission. The views of Washington were 
expressed to him in writing, full, explicit, and with great 
clearness and power of language, for the purpose of beino- 
submitted to Dr. Franklin, and if expedient, to the French 
ministers. 

Lafayette, also wrote by Col. Laurens a long letter to 
the Count de Vergennes, dated January 30th, 1781. He 
recommended Col. Laurens " as a man, who, by his integ- 
rity, frankness, and patriotism, must be extremely accepta- 
ble to [the French] government. According to the instruc- 
tions of Congress (he adds,) he will place before you the ac- 
tual state of our affairs, which demand, I think, more than 
ever, the most serious attention." He gave to the Count a 
detailed statement of these affairs, and plead earnestly and 
ably the cause of the country. He urged it upon the 
French government, to send promptly, a force of fifteen 
thousand men; and particularly supplies of money, muni- 
tions of war and clothing, to call out and sustain the moral 
and physical resources of America, which thus sustained, 
and aided by a naval superiority, he deemed adequate to 
the crisis-. This long and interesting document, we cannot 
copy entire, consistently with the limits o^ this volume, but 
give the following extract, as a specimen of its spirit and 
design : — 

" The last campaign took place without a shilling having been spent ; 
all that credit, persuasion, and force could achieve, has been done, — 
hut that can hold out no longer ; that miracle, of which I believe no 
Similar example can be found, cannot be retaewed, and our exertions 
having been made to obtain an army for the war, we must depend on 
you to enable us to make use of it. 

" From my peculiar situation, sir, arid from what it has enabled me 
to know and see, I think it is my duty to call your attention to the 
American soWiers, and on the part they must take in the operations of 

14 



1 



i§8 LIFE OF LAFAYE'fTg. 

the next campaign. The continental troops have as much courage a.nd 
real discipline as those that are opposed to them. They are more in- 
ured to privation, more patient than Europeans, who, on these two 
points, cannot be compared to them. They have several officers of 
great merit, without mentioning those who have served during the last 
wars, and from their own talents have acquired knowledge intuitively ; 
they have been formed by the daily experience of several campaigns, 
in which, the armies being small, and the country a rugged one, all the 
battalions of the line were obliged to serve as advance-guards and light ' 
troops. The recruits whom we are expecting, and who only bear, in 
truth, the name of recruits, have frequently fought battles in the same 
regiments which they are now re-entering, and have seen more gun- 
shots than three-fourths of the European soldiers. As to the militia, 
they are only armed peasants, who have occasionally fought, and who 
are not deficient in ardor and discipline, but whose services would be 
the most useful in the labors of a siege. This, sir, is the faithful picture 
that I think myself obliged to send you, and which is not my interest 
to paint in glowing colors, because it would be more glorious to succeed 
with slighter means. The Chevalier de la Luzerne, who, having him- 
self seen our soldiers, will give you a detailed and disinterested account 
of them, will doubtless tell you, as I do, that you may depend upon our 
regular troops. The result of this digression, sir, is, to insist still more 
earnestly on the necessity of sending money to put the American troops 
in movement, and to repeat that well known truth, that a pecuniary 
succor and a naval superiority _must be the two principal objects of the 
next campaign.'* 

This communication, and others from Lafayette to influ- 
eiitial persons in France, contributiBd greatly to the success 
of Col. Laurens' mission. He wrote also to Madame La- 
fayette, recommending Col .Laurens particularly to her kind- 
ness and attention. "If I were in France, (he wrote,) he 
should live entirely at my house, and I would introduce him 
to all my friends, (I have even introduced him to some by 
letter,) and give him every opportunity in my power of ma- 
king acquaintance, and of passing his time agreeably at 
Versailles ; and in my absence I entreat you to replace 
me." In the same letter he said : " The Americans con- 
tinue to testify for me the greatest kindness ; there is no 
proof of affection and confidence which I do not receive 
each day from the army and nation. I experience for the 
American officers and soldiers that friendship which arises 
from having shared with them for a length of time, dangers, 
sufferings, and both good and evil fortune. We began by 
struggling together ; our affairs have often been at the low- 
est possible ebb. It is gratifying to me to crown this work 
with them, by giving the European troops a high idea of 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 159 

the soldiers who have been formed with us. To all these 
motives of interest for the cause and the army, are joined 
my sentiments of regard for Gen. Washington." * * * 
* * * <4 Embrace our children a thousand and a thou- 
sand times for me ; their father, although a wanderer, is not 
less tender, nor less constantly occupied with them, and 
not less happy at receiving news from them. My heart 
dwells with peculiar delight on the moment when those 
dear children will be presented to me by you, and when we 
embrace and caress them together." 

These proofs of Lafayette's affection for his family, are 
as honorable as a laurel crown. Their only son, of recent 
birth, had been named by Madame Lafayette, George 
Washington; with which compliment Gen. Washington 
had expressed himself highly pleased^ 



CHAPTER XVIL 

Arnold in Virginia. Contemplated expedition for hjs capture. Lafay- 
ette assigned to the command of a southern detachment. His prep, 
arations and rapid progress. Intended co-operation of the Frencti 
fleet. Action between the Frencli and English fleets. The enemy's 
fleet gains possession of the Chesapeake Bay. Lafayette retires. 
Visit to the mother of Washington. Arrives with his forces at the 
Head of Elk. Meets the orders of Gen. Washington to repair with 
his detachment to Virginia. Sufferings, discontent and mutiny of 
the soldiers. Lafayette suppresses the mutiny, and borrows money 
to relieve the wants of the soldiers. Their devotion to him. Leave 
to return. Declined by Lafayette. His rapid march. Reaches 
Richmond in advance, and to the astonishment, of Phillips and Ar- 
nold. Commencement of the Virginia campaign. Lafayette's vig- 
ilance and prudence. His account of events. Death of Gen. Phil- 
lips. Command devolves on Arnold. Lafayette refuses to corres- 
pond with him. Approval of Gen. Washington. 

The ardent desire of Lafayette for active service, was 
soon gratified. To him was assigned the first movement, 
the turning pivot of the plan of operations, in the decisive 
campaign of 1781 — a campaign in which he was destined 
to act so distinguished a part, and which was to crown with 
glorious success the long and arduous struggle for the inde- 
pendence of America, 






160 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

The traitor Arnold was sent by Sir Henry Clinton, with 
about sixteen hundred men and several vessels suitable for 
the service, to the Chesapeake, where he arrived about the 
first of January. He succeeded in Virginia, Gen. Leslie, 
who had gone to re-enforce the British army in the Garoli- 
nas. During the month of January, Arnold exhibited a 
savage zeal for the new cause he had espoused, by burning 
Richmond, plundering private property, and committing ex- 
tensive depredations in the lower part of the state ; and was 
intrenching himself at Portsmouth, on the Elizabeth River, 
conformably to the design of Sir Henry Clinton. On the 
22d of the month, the British squadron in Gardner's Bay, 
by which the French fleet at Newport was held in blockade, 
was severely crippled by a violent gale. The naval ascend- 
ency thus being restored to the French, M. DestoucJies, 
successor to Admiral Terney, who died on the 15th of De- 
cember, after reconnoitering the enemy's fleet, and finding 
it still too formidable to justify an attack, conceived the plan 
of sending a detachment of vessels, or sailing with his whole 
squadron to the Chesapeake, to operate against Arnold. 
Gen. Washington, being informed by Count de Rochambeau 
of this design of the French admiral, deemed it important 
to the success of the enterprise, and to ensure the capture 
of Arnold, that there should be a co-operation of land and 
naval forces, and that M. Destouches should protect the 
expedition with his whole fleet. He therefore informed 
Gen. Rochambeau that he should send a detachment of 
twelve hundred men, all that he could spare, from his army, 
to the Chesapeake, and requested the co-operation of the 
French fleet, and as many French troops as Count Rocham- 
beau thought prudent to send for the purpose. 

The American detachment w;as immediately selected, of 
the choicest men, most of whom were from those who had 
composed the Light Infantry corps, and the command given 
to Lafayette. The instructions from Gen. Washington to 
Lafayette, were dated February 20th, and directed him, after 
the necessary arrangements, with which he was also en- 
trusted, to proceed with his detachment with all possible 
despatch to the head of Elk, where by concert with the 
quartermaster-general, vessels were to be ready on his arri- 
val to convey him down the bay to Hampton Roads, or to 
the point of operation. When arrived at his destination. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. l61 

h& was to act as his own judgement and circumstances 
should direct. He was to inform Baron Steuben, who com- 
manded in Virginia, of his approach, requesting him to 
have a sufficient body of militia ready, to act in conjunc- 
tion with Lafayette's detachment. Should there be a fail- 
ure of the expected cooperation by the French fleet and 
troops, or the object of the expedition be fulfilled or unfor- 
tunately disappointed, he was to return to Head Quarters 
with as much expedition as possible. 

Lafayette made his preparations and progress with such 
celerity, that he arrived at the Head of Elk, on the 3d of 
March, several days sooner than he had been anticipated. 
Previous to receiving Gen. Washington's request for the co- 
operation of the entire French fleet, Admiral Destouches 
had detached a sixty-four gun ship and two frigates, under 
the command of M. de Tilly, to the Chesapeake, which so 
weakened his force that he was unwilling to venture out 
with his whole squadron. M. de Tilly returned to Newport 
on the 24th of Feb'y, having been absent only fifteen days, 
captured the British frigate Romulus, of forty-four guns, 
taken two privateers of fourteen and eighteen guns, burnt 
four others, and made about five hundred prisoners. Thus 
restored to his naval superiority, the French admiral inform- 
ed Gen. Washington, that he would co-operate with Lafay- 
ette's detachment with his whole fleet ; and Count Rochara- 
beau promised to add 1100 men from his land forces, willing, 
as he said, to risk every thing to prevent Arnold establishing 
himself at Portsmouth, in Virginia. Of this intended move- 
ment Lafnyette was advised by Gen. Washington, under date 
of March 1, who added, " It is of the greatest importance 
to the expedition, as well as to the honor of our arms, that 
you should be on the spot to co-operate." Lafayette imme- 
diately embarked his troops on board transports, protected by 
small armed vessls, and directed the whole, under the com- 
mand of Commodore Nicholson, to proceed to Annapolis. He 
himself, with a small boat, armed with swivels, and with 
thirty soldiers, proceeded down the bay, to the Head Quar- 
ters of Baron Steuben, at Williamsbiirgh ; where he could 
sooner ascertain the arrival of the French squadron, and 
concert a plan of opei^tions. In a letter to Gen. Washing- 
ton, dated Williamsburg, March 23d, he stated: — 

" On my arrival at this place, I was surprised to hear that no Freiu^ 

14* 



Ik 



162 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

fleet had appeared, but attributed it to delays and chances so frequent 
in naval matters. My first object was to request that nothing be taken 
for this expedition which could have been intended for, or useful to, the 
southern army, whose welfare appeared to me more interesting than 
our success. My second object has been to examine what has been 
prepared, to gather and forward every requisite for a vigorous co-oper- 
ation, besides a number of militia, amounting to five thousand ; I can 
assure your excellency that nothing has been wanting to ensure a com- 
plete success. 

" As the position of the enemy had not yet been reconnoitered, I 
went to General Muhlenberg's camp, near Suffolk, and after he had 
taken a position nearer to Portsmouth, we marched down with sorne 
troops to view the enemy's works. This brought on a trifling skir- 
mish, during which we were able to see something ; but for the insuffi- 
ciency of ammunition, which had been for many days expected, pre- 
vented my engaging far enough to push the enemy's outposts, and our 
reconnoitering was postponed to the 21st, — when, on the 20th, Major 
Mac Pherson, an officer for whom 1 have the highest confidence and 
esteem, sent me word from Hampton, where he was stationed, that a 
fleet had come to anchor within the Capes. So far it was probable 
that this fleet was that of M. Destouches, that Arnold himself appeared 
to be in great confusion, and his vessels, notwithstanding many signals,. 
durst not for a long time^ ve'hture down." 

It was soon ascertained, however, that the fleet, instead 
of being that of M. Destouches, belonging to the enemy. 
The French squadron, which left Newport on the 8th, had 
been followed on the 10th, by the whole British fleet from 
Gardner's Bay. Gen. Washington, being then at Newport, 
wrote to Lafayette on the 11th, advising him of these 
movements, but the letter did not reach him in season to 
place him on his guard. The two fleets arrived off the 
Capes of Virginia about the same time, and an action took 
place on the 16th. They were nearly equal, each having 
eight ships of the line, but the English had the advantage 
of one three-decker. The damage sustained by each was. 
about the same, and neither seemed in a condition next day 
to renew the battle. Thus the object of the expedition 
against Arnold being defeated, the French squadron return- 
ed to Newport, and the British entered and took possession 
of the Chesapeake Bay. 

The position of Lafayette's detachment at Annapolis was 
rendered critical. On ascertaining the arrival of the Brit- 
ish fleet in the bay, he immediately sent orders to Annap- 
olis, to have every thing in readiness to return, and even to 
move the troops by land to the Head of Elk. He set out 




LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 163 

himself for Annapolis ; but deeply interested in all that was 
connected with Gen. Washington, he permitted thdt feelin^ 
to divert him from a direct progress. '' I could not resist 
(he says to Gen. Washington,) the ardent df sire I had of 
seeing your relations, and above all, your mother, at Fred- 
erickburgh. For that purpose I went some miles out of my 
way ; and in order to conciliate my private happiness to 
duties of a public nature, I recovered by riding in the night 
those few hours which I had consecrated to my satisfac- 
tion. I had also the pleasure of seeing Mount Vernon, and 
Vv-as very unhappy that my duly and my anxiety for the 
execution of vour orders prevented my paying a v^-it to 
Mr. Curtis." ' 

On arriving at Annapolis, Lafayette found that little pro- 
gress had been made in preparations for departure. There 
were great difficulties in procuring horses and wagons, and 
boats to cross the ferries. The harbor, in the mean time, 
was blockaded by two of the enemy's vessels, one of 
twenty and the other of eighteen guns, with the object of 
opposing the movements of Lafayette's detachment. He, 
therefore, continued his preparations for the journey bv 
land, which he was assured would take ten days. In the 
mean time he adopted an ingenious device to deceive the 
enemy, and clear the way for a passage safe by water. He 
caused two eighteen pounders to be mounted on board of a 
small sloop; and, on the morning of the Gth, Commodore 
Nicholson went out with the sloop and another vessel, full 
of men, firing the guns, and making a parade as though 
they were about to board the British vessels. Deceived by 
this manoeuvre, as to the force of their opponents, the Brit- 
ish vessels immediately retreated to a desired distance. 
Taking advantage of this absence, every vessel with troops 
and stores, was despatched in the night, under the escort of 
the commodore, and Lafayette bringing up the rear with a 
sloop and other vessels, all arrived safe at the Head of E!!v,. 
on the morning of the 8th April. 

Although the expedition had failed of its original object,. 
' yet that part of it which had been entrusted to Lafiyette, 
had been executed, so far as depended upon him. with great 
skill and fidelity. He had met with no disaster, except the 
loss of a part of his own baggage ; and this loss occurred 
ia consequence of consigning it, when leaving Virginia foy 



164 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Annapolis, to a rickety boat, that a safer barge might be^ 
exclusively occupied by a party of soldiers. The soldiers 
arrived safe, but the baggage was never heard of. But, 
aware of the danger, Lafayette had (aken the precaution to 
carry with him by land, his papers and whatever n)ight be 
valuable on the public account. With his chosen detach- 
ment, and all that had been entru&ted to him, he had arriv- 
ed in a safe position ; from whence, as by a Providential 
course of circumstances^ he was soon to be detached for 
more important and decisive operations. 

The same day of his arrival at Elk, and while preparirg 
to move forward for Head Quarters, Lafayette received a 
letter from Gen. Washington, dated the 6th, instructing him 
to repair to the south with his detachment, to re-eiiforce 
Gen. Greene as speedily as possible. About the time the 
French and English fleets sailed for the Chesapeake, Sir 
Henry Clinton had sent a detachment of two thousand men, 
under Gen. Phillips, to Virginia. It was Gen. Washing* 
ton's impression, that this detachment was designed ulti- 
mately to unite with Cornwall is, between whom and Gen. 
Greene a battle had recently been fought, in North Carolina. 
Washington supposed that his letter would find Lafayette 
still at Annapolis. The troops he had with him being taken 
from the northern regiments, were averse to going south » 
They were in want of shoes and clothing, and almost every 
thing necessary for a campaign. Under these circumstan- 
ces Lafayette first thought of waiting at Elk for further or- 
ders, and so wrote to Gen. Washington. But, on reflection, 
supposing his presence at the south might be important, he 
concluded to go forward, and managed with such celerity 
that, by the 13th of April, the troops had reached the ferry 
at the Susquehannah, on their march to Baltimore. Bjt 
the difficulties he experienced, from the discontent and suf- 
ferings of the troops, were great and embarrassing. Scarce- 
ly any other general, beloved as Lafayette was by the sol. 
diers, could have surmounted these difficulties. He wrote 
to Gen, Washington while at the ferry, April 14 : — " Many 
articles, and indeed every one which compose the apparatus ' 
of a soldier, will be wanting for this detachment. But shoes, 
linen, overalls, hunting shirts, will be the necessary supplies 
for which I request your excellency's most pressing orders 
to people concerned, and most warm entreaties to the board 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 165 

of war." He was obliged to add : " While I was writing 
tkis, accounts have been brought to me, that a great deser- 
tion had taken place last night ; nine of the Rhode Island 
company, and the best men they had, who have made many 
campaigns, and never were suspected. These men say 
they like better a hundred lashss, than a journey to the 
southward. As long as they had an expedition in view, 
they were very well satisfied, but the idea of remaining in 
the Southern States, appears to them intolerable, and they 
are amazingly averse to the people and the climate. I shall 
do my best, but if this disposition lasts, I am afraid we will 
be reduced lower than I dare express." 

Such was the disposition to desert, that before leaving 
the ferry, it vv^as the general opinion of the officers, that 
there would not be six hundred men left by the time they 
arrived at the place of destination ; and to add to the gloom- 
iness of the prospect, the board of war had expressed its 
total inability to afford relief. The conduct of Lafayette in 
this crisis was prompt, judicious, and noble. By way of 
example, one deserter who had been taken, was hanged, and 
another, being an excellent soldier, was pardoned, but dis- 
missed from the corps. Lafayette issued an order to the 
troops, in which he expressed sympathy for their personal 
sufferings, and impressed upon them the criminality and 
infamy of desertion. He stated to them that the duly had 
been assigned to the detachment of fighting an enemy far 
superior in numbers, under difficulties which tried its patri, 
otism and virtue. That for his part, their general was de- 
termined to obey orders and encounter the enemy ; but it" 
any of the soldiers had an inclination to abandon him, they 
misrht save themselves the danger and crime of desertion, as 
every one who would appl}- to Head Quarters for a pass, to 
join their corps, in the north, might be sure to obtain it im- 
mediately. The honor of the soldiers being thus appealed 
to, desertion from that time entirely ceased. 

To these measures, Lafayette added another, which, he 
said to Gen. Washington, " my feelings for the sufferings 
of the soldiers, and the peculiarify of their circumstances, 
have prompted me to adopt." He borrowed, on his own 
credit, from the merchants of Baltimore, the sum of two 
thousand guineas, with which he procured linen, shirts, 
shoes, and other necessary articles for the soldiers. The 



166 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

sliirts were made up by the ladies of Baltimore, a great num- 
ber of whom Lafayette met at a ball, given in honor of him 
arrival in that city. The young men of Baltimore also 
formed a company of volunteer dragroons, and joined La- 
fayette's detachment. 

Such were the effects of these measures of Lafayette, upon 
the feelino^s of the soldiers, that not one of them would leave 
him, and all were inspired with ardor for the service. So 
strong was this feeling, that a subordinate officer, who was 
prevented by lameness from accompanying the detachment 
on foot, actually hired a vehicle at his own expense, to con- 
vey him, rather than separate from it. 

At Baltimore Lafayette learned that Phillips, with his 
corps of two thousand men, had joined Arnold at Ports- 
mouth, and was preparing for offensive operations. For 
the purpose of moving with gseater celerity, he left his 
tfnts, artillery (Sec, under a guard, with orders to follow as 
fast as possible, and hastened on with the rest of the detach- 
ment, by forced marches, and pressed horses and wagons 
for Fredericksburg or Richmond, to act as circumstances 
might require in frustrating the designs of the enemy. 

Lafayette kept Gen. Washington advised by letter, of his 
own progress, and what he learned of the movements of the 
enemy. From Alexandria, April 32d, he informed the 
general of a circumstance which is mentioned in all the 
Biographies oT Washington, and which gave rise to the cel- 
ebrated letter to Lund Washington. "■ When the enemy 
came to your house (he says,) many negroes deserted to 
them. This piece of news did not afTect me much, as I 
little value these matters. But you cannot conceive how 
unhappy I have been to hear that Mr. Lund Washington 
went on board the enemy's vessels, and consented to give 
them provisions. This being done by the gentleman who, 
in some measures, represent you at your house, will cer- 
tainly have a bad effect, and contrasts with spirited an- 
swers from some neighbors that have had their houses burnt 
accordingly. You will do what you think proper about it, 
my dear general, but, as your friend, it was my duty con- 
fidentially to mention the circumstances." 

In reply. General Washington said : " The freedom of 
your communication is an evidence to me of the sincerity 
of your attachment, and every fresh instance of this gives 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 167 

pleasure and adds strength to the bond which unites us in 
friendship. In this light I view the intimation respectino- 
the conduct of Mr. Lund Washington." He had previously 
been informed of it, however, and written the letter to 
which we have referred. 

Lafayette had been reluctant to go south, under a hope 
(hat his favorite expedition, an attack upon the enemy at 
New York, would be undertaken in the spring. In letters 
of the 13th and 14th of April, Gen. Washington informed 
him that there was little prospect of such an undertaking. 
•' If (he said) the most distant pi'ospect ofsuch an operation 
as you speak of had been in my mind, I should have looked 
upon your detachment as essential to the undertaking ; but 
I can assure you, without entering into a detail of reasons, 
which I cannot commit to paper, that I have not at present 
an idea of being able, to affect such a matter." In subse- 
quent letters, (April 21st and 22d) he expressed the desire 
he had of having Lafayette near him. - There would occur 
frequent occasions (he said) in co-operative measures, in 
which it would be of the greatest utility I should have the 
power to consult you." But, as he could not recall the de- 
tachment, he left it to the option of Lafayette, to proceed 
with the corps, or return personally to Head Quarters. La- 
fayette, however, was too deeply and too beneficially enga- 
ged in the object of his expedition, before receiving these 
letters, to retrace his steps ; and was gratified with receiv. 
ing, during his progress, the strong assurances of the appro- 
bation of the Commander-in-chief. In a letter dated May 
5, Gen. Washington congratulated Lafayette upon his suc- 
cess in allaying the spirit of discontent among his troops, 
and added : " The measures you had taken to obtain, on 
your own credit, a supply of clothing and necessaries for 
the detachment, must entitle you to all their gratitude and 
affection, and will, at the same time that it endears your 
name, if possible, still more to this country, be an everlast- 
ing monument of your ardent zeal and attachment to its 
cause, and the establishment of its independence. For my 
own part, my dear marquis, although I stood in need of no 
new proofs of your exertions and sacrifices in the cause of 
America, I will confess to you, that I shall not be able to 
express the pleasing sensations I have experienced at the 
unparalleled and repeated instances of your generosity and 



ItjS LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

•zeal for the service on every occasion. Suffer me only to 
pursue you v/ith my sincerest wishes, that your success and 
glory may always be equal to your merits." 

Phillips and Arnold were ascending James River, com- 
mitting depredations by the way, and approaching Rich- 
mond, where there was a quantity of tobacco and public 
stores. Suspecting their object, Lafayette hastened his 
march, and reached Richmond before them. His force 
consisted of nine hundred men, rank and file, while that of 
the enemy was about twenty-five hundred. He was joined 
at Richmond by a corps of militia, under Gen. Nelson, and 
by Baron Steuben, with a small corps of regular troops. 
When Gen. Phillips arrived on the morning of the 30th, 
and had given orders for an attack, he was astonished to 
discover, on reconnoitring, the corps of Lafayette and their 
position ; he flew into a violent passion, and swore ven- 
geance against them. The enemy burnt the warehouses 
at Manchester, on the opposite side of the river; landed 
about six hundred men on the Richmond side, but beinc 
charged by a party of dragoons under Gen. Nelson, made 
a precipitate retrccit. After these demonstrations, the ene- 
my returned down the river, having been defeated in their 
object upon Richmond, by the rapid march of Lafayette 
from Baltimore, l^afayette continued to watch the mo- 
tions of the enemy, and to counteract their designs, with 
great skill and prudence, as far as the inferiority of his 
force would permit. He had been directed by Gen. Greene, 
who then commanded the southern department, to take 
command of the troops in Virginia: to conduct the cam- 
paign, and to transmit the accounts of his operations di- 
rectly to Congress and to Gen. Washington. He therefore 
wrote to Gon. Washington from Welton, north side of 
James River, May 18, giving a statement of events up to 
that date : 

" When General Phillips retreated from Richmond, his project was 
to stop at Williamsburg, there to collect contributions which he had 
imposed ; this induced me to take a position between Pamunkey, and 
Chikahomony rivers, which equally covered Richmond, and some other 
interesting parts of the state, and from where I detached Gen. Nelson 
with some militia towards Williamsburg. 

" Having got as low down as that place, General Phillips seemed 
to discover an intention to make a landing, but upon advices received 
by a vessel from Portsmouth, the enemy weighed anchor, and with 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 169 

all the sail they could crowd, hastened up the river. This intelligence 
made me apprehensive that the enemy intended to manoeuvre me out 
■of Richmond, where I returned immediately and again collected our 
small force. Intelligence was the same day received that Lord Corn- 
wallis (who I had been assured to have embarked at Wilmington) was 
marching through North Carolina, (this was confirmed by the landing 
of General Phillips at Brandon, south side of James River.) Appre- 
hending that both armies would meet at a central point, I marched to- 
wards Petersburg and intended to have established a communication 
over Appamatox and James rivers ; but on the 9th, General Phillips 
took possession of Petersburg, a place where his right flank being cov- 
ered by James River, his front by Appamatox, on which the brigades 
had, been destroyed in the first part of the invasion, and his left not be- 
ing attackable but by a long circuit through fords, that at this season 
are very uncertain, I could not (even with an equal force) have got any 
chance of fighting him, unless I had given up this side of James River, 
and the country from which re-enforcements are expected. It being at 
the enemy's choice to force us to an action, while their own position 
insured them against our enterprises, I thought it proper to shift this 
situation, and marched the greater part of our troops to this place, about 
ten miles below Richmond. Letters from General Nash, General 
Summer, and General Jones are positive as to the arrival of Colonel 
Tarleton, and announce that of Lord Cornwallis at Halifax, Having 
received a request from North Carolina for ammunition, I made a de- 
tachment of 500 men under General Muhlenburg, to escort 20,000 car- 
tridges over Appamatox, and to divert the enemy's attention, Colonel 
Gimat, with his battalion, and four field pieces, commanded their posi- 
tion from this side of the river. I hope our ammunition will arrive 
safe, as before General Muhlenburg returned he put it in a safe road, 
with proper directions. On the 13th, General Phillips died, and the 
command devolved on General Arnold, General Wayne's detachment 
has not yet been heard of. Before he arrives, it becomes very danger- 
ous to risk an engagement where (as the British armies being vastly supe- 
rior to us) we shall certainly be beaten, and by the loss of arms, the 
dispersion of miUtia, and the difficulty of a junction with General 
Wayne, we may lose a less dangerous chance of resistance." 

In consequence of the death ofGeneral Phillips, the com- 
mand of the British forces devolved upon the traitor Arnold. 
A flao- was sent, with a letter from Arnold, in continuation 
of a correspondence relative to an exchange of prisoners 
commenced previously to the death of Phillips. Lafayette 
positively refused having any correspondence with Arnold, 
at the same time assuring the officer who brought the letter, 
that "in case any other English officer should honor him 
with a letter, he would always be happy to give the officers 
every testimony of est5em." In reference to this highly 
honorable circumstance, Gen. Washington wrote to Lafay- 

15 



170 LIFE OF LAFAYETTJe. 

ette, (May 31) : *' Your conduct upon every occasion meets 
my approbation, but in none more than in your refusing to 
hold correspondence with Arnold." In the same letter, he 
says : " Your determination to avoid an engagement, with 
your present force, is certainly judicious. I hope the Penn- 
sylvanians have begun their march before this time, but I 
have no information of it.'' Alluding to a detachment from 
the Pennsylvania line, under Gen. Wayne, which had been 
ordered to join Lafayette, but had been delayed from the 
great difficulty in procuring supplies. 



CHAPTER XVIIL 

bornwallis arrives in Virginia. His force. That of Lafayette. L&^ 
tayette at Richmond. Secures the valuable property. Letter to Gen. 
Washington. Cornwallis advances upon Richmond. Lafayette com- 
pelled to retreat. His rapid and skilful movements. Letters to 
Greene and Washington. Baffles Tarleton. Junction with Wayne's 
detachment. Outgenerals Cornwallis. Gains a strong position be- 
tween the enemy and the magazines at Albemarle. Cornwallis re- 
treats. Lafayette becomes the assailant. His account of an action. 
Cornwallis continues his retreat. Action at Jamestown. The ene- 
my retreat to Portsmouth. Indications of their intention to embark. 
Lafayette is anxious to join the northern army. Correspondence on 
the subject with Gen. Washington. Hints of important operations. 
A French squadron expected. Junction of the French and Ameri- 
can armies. Washington announces important matters to Lafay- 
ette. Enjoins him to a vigilant watch of the enemy. Mode of 
compliance. The enemy embark. Pass up the Bay. Commence 
fortifications. Lafayette becomes satisfied to remain in Virginia. 
Informed of the destination of the French squadron. ^Correspondence 
with Washington. Enjoined to prevent the enemy's retreat. Con- 
tinued vigilance. System of Espionage. Morgan, the pretended 
deserter, 

PuRsuANTf to the plan of Sir Henry Clinton, Lord Corn- 
wallis advanced with his whole forces from North Caroli- 
na, and formed a junction with Arnold at Petersburg, on 
the 20th of May. The active corps of Cornwallis was 
more than four thousand men, of which five hundred were 
mounted upon fleet horses, stolen from the Virginians and 
supplied to the enemy by runaway negroes. This was the 
famous flying troop of Tarleton, which became the scourge 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 171 

and terror of Virginia. That under Lafayette is represent- 
ed by him to have been at the time, nine hundred continen- 
tals and forty horse, and a small body (about 1500) of mi- 
litia, brave, but iJLarmed. Among these, however, was a 
corps of light horse, composed of some of the most respecta- 
ble young men of Virginia and Maryland, who had joined 
Lafayette as volunteers, and from their intelligence, valor, 
and the superiority of their horses, they were of essential 
service to him. Lafayette's first movement was to Rich- 
mond, where precaution was taken to remove every species 
of valuable property, public or private. 

In writing to General Washington from Richmond, May 
24, Lafayette expressed an ardent wish that his conduct 
might meet Washington's approbation. Had he followed 
the first impulse of his own temper, he should have r sked 
something more. Had the Pennsylvania detachment arri- 
ved before Cornwallis, he had determined to attack the ene- 
my ; but their unaccountable delay was to him a source of 
great disappointment, and compelled him, contrary to his 
nature, to act upon the defensive. " Were I any ways equal 
to the enemy (he said,) I should be extremely happy ; but I 
am not strong enough even to get beaten. Gove'-nment in 

this state has no energy, and laws have no force. But I 

hope this assembly will put matters on a belter fooinuj. I 
had a great deal of trouble to put matters in a tolerable 
train ; our expenses w^re enormous, and yet we can get 
nothing. Arrangements (or the piesentseem to put on a 
better face, but for this superiority of the enemy, which will 
chase us wherever they please. They can overnm the 
country, and, until the Pennsyivaniar-.s arrive, we are next 
to nothing in point of opposition to so large a force. This 
country begins to be as familiar to me as Tappan and Ber- 
gen. Our soldiers are hitherto very healthy : I have turned 
doctor, and regulate their diet." 

Lord Cornwallis soon advanced upon Richmond, and 
Lafayette was compelled to retreat, it was the determined 
objectof Cornwallis to caplure Lafayette, and thus to com- 
plete the conquest of Virijinia. In the tuean time he en- 
deavored to possess himself of the public stores, and to de- 
stroy every means and position of defence. To preserve 
his corps, to form a junction with the expected reinforce- 
raents under Wayne, and to prevent the depredations of 



172 . LIFE OF LAFAYETTE.. 

the enemy, were equally the determinations of Lafayette. 
Thence began that brilliant series of movements which, on 
his part, are unsurpassed in celerity and skill by any in the 
annals of defensive warfare. It was during this retreat of 
Lafayette, that Cornwallis, having full confidence in his 
own skill and superiority of foi'ce, exultingly wrote in a let- 
ter which was intercepted, " The hoy cannot escape me." 
From the letters of Lafayette and other sources, we will 
endeavor to trace his progress, first in retreating from, and 
next in pursuing, the enemy. To Gen. Greene, (camp be- 
tween Rappahannock and North Anna, June 3,) he wrote : 

" Lord Cornwallis had at first a project to cross above Richmond, but 
desisted from it and landed at Westover ; he then proposed to turn our 
left flank, but before it was executed we moved by the left to the forks 
of Chickahomony, — the enemy advanced twelve miles and we retreated 
in the same proportion I they crossed Chickahomony and advanced on 
the road to Fredericksburg. We marched in a parallel with them, 
keeping the upper part of the country. Our position at Mattapony 
church would have much exposed the enemy's flank on their we.y to 
Fredericksburg, but they stopped at Cook's ford on the North Anna 
River, where they are for the present. General Wayne having an- 
nounced to me his departure on the 23d, I expected' before this time to 
have made a junction. We have moved back some distance and are 
cautious not to indulge Lord Cornwallis with an action with our pres- 
ent force. 

" The intentions of the enemy are not as yet well explained. Fred- 
ericksburg appeared to be their object, the more so as a greater number 
of troops are said to be gone down than is necessary for the garrison of 
Portsmouth. The public stores have been as well as possible removed, 
and every part of Hunter's works that could be, t ken out of the way. 
It is possible they mean to make a stroke towards Charlotteville ; this 
I would not be uneasy for, had my repeated directions been executed. 
But instead of removing stores from there to Albemarle old Court 
House, where Baron de Steuben has collected six hundred regulars, and 
where I ordered the militia south of James River to rendezvous, it ap- 
pears from a letter I received this evening that state stores have been,, 
contrary to my directions, collected there, lest they should mix with the 
continentals ; but my former letters were so positive, and my late pre- 
cautions are so multiplied, that I hope the precious part of the stores 
will have bern removed to a safer place. I had also some stores re- 
moved from Orange Court-House. Despatches from the Governor to 
me have fallen into the enemy's hands; of which I gave him and the 
baron immediate notice." 
* * * * ***** 

" The enemy must have five hundred men mounted, and their cav- 
alry increases daily. It is impossible in this country to take horses 
out of their way, and the neglect of the inhabitants, dispersion of 
hoxises, and robberies of negroes, (should even the most vigorous raeas-* 



tifE OF LAFAYETTE. 173 

iUres have been taken by the civil authority) would have yet put many 
horses into their hands. Under this cloud of light troops it is difficult 
to reconnoitre, as well as counteract any rapid movements they choose 
to make." 

The same day, Lafayette wrote to Gen. Washington, 
enciasing a copy of tlie letter to Greene. He said .- " I 
heartily wish, my dear general, my conduct may be approv- 
ed of, particularly by you. My circumstances have been 
peculiar, and in this state I have sometimes experienced 
strange disappointments. Two of them, the stores at Char^ 
lottesville, and the delay of the Pennsylvania detachmenty 
have given me much uneasiness, and may be attended with 
bad consequences." He expressed a wish to see General 
Washington in Virginia, with a large detachment of Amer- 
ican troops and a portion of the French army ; believing 
that he would thus call forth the energies of the state of 
Virginia, and ensure success. But, while thus acknowl^ 
edging his embarrassments, and his desire for re-enforc6- 
m.-nts, Lafayette neither expressed despair, nor relaxed in 
his exertions. 

B.iffling the pursuit of tjie enemy, Lafayette retired to a 
p; sition beyond the Rapid Ann, to secure and await the 
junction with Wayne. Lord Cornwallis, disappointed in 
bringing Lafayette to an action, detached Tarleton^s legion, 
to surprise the Assembly of Virginia at Charlottesville ; but 
Lafayette gave timely notice of Tarleton's approach, and he 
succeeded only in capturing a few arms and a small quan-» 
tity of powder. Another detachment under Col. Simeoe, said 
to be four hundred dragoons and mounted infantry, proceed- 
ed to the forks of James River, where Baron Steuben, with 
a corps of the new Virginia levies, was guarding some mil- 
itary stores. The baron, securing most of the stores, re- 
treated saftly to the south with his detachment. Cornwal- 
lis, in the mean time, proceeded with his main army in the 
direction of Albemarle Court-House, with the intention of 
capturinoj the principal magazines for the supply of the 
southern armies, which were at that place. Lafayette per- 
ce.ved the danger, but had not sufficient force to prevent it. 
Fortunately, Wayne's detachment arrived in season ; and 
immediately on forming a junction, he proceeded by forced 
marches towards James River, and on arriving at the South 
Anna, found Cornwallis encamped sonie miles below the 

15* 



174 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

point of Fork, within one day's march of the magazines. 
The only road known to the enemy, by which Laftiyette 
could gain a position between them and their object, was so 
covered by them, that in passing it, he would have presented 
his flank, and exposed himself to almost inevitable defeat. 
He, howev^er, discovered a shorter road, little known, by 
which he repaired cautiously in the night (June 15, 1781); 
and Cornwallis Was astonished next morning, to see Lafay- 
ette established in a strong position, between him and the 
magazines, which were so important to the whole American 
army in the south. Here he was joined by about six hun- 
dred riflemen and militia. 

Thus defeated in his object, and finding Lafayette 
strengthened by the junction of Wayne's corps and the mi- 
litia, Lord Cornwallis commenced a retrograde movement, 
and arrived at Richmond on the 18th of June, closely fol- 
lowed by Lafayette. From this time Lafayette became the 
assailant — how successfully, will appear from the follow- 
ing account, in a letter to General Greene, dated twenty 
miles from Williamsburg, 27th June : 

" On the 18th the British army moved towards us, with design, as I 
apprehended, to strike at a detached corps commanded by Gen. Muh- 
lenburg ; upon this the light infantry and Pennsylvanians marched un- 
der Gen. Wayne, when the enemy retired into town. The day follow- 
ing I was joined by Gen. Steuben's troops, and on the night of the 20th 
Richmond was evacutated. Having followed the enemy, our light par- 
ties fell in with them, near New Kent Court-House. The army was 
still at a distance, and! Lord Cornwallis continued his route towards 
Williamsburg ; his rear and right flank were covered by a large corps 
commanded by Col. Simcoe. I pushed forward a detachment under 
Col. Butler, but notwithstanding a fatiguing march the colonel reports 
that he could not have overtaken them, had not Major McPherson 
mounted fifty light infantry behind an equal number of dragoons, which 
coming up with the enemy charged them within six miles of Williams- 
burg ; such of the advanced corps as could arrive to their support, com- 
posed of riflemen under Major Call and Major Willis, began a smart 
action. Enclosed is the return of our loss. That of the enemy isabout 
60 killed and 100 wounded, including several officers, a disproportion 
which the skill of our riflemen easily explains. I am under great ob- 
ligations to Col. Butler and the officers. and men of the detachment for 
their ardor in the pursuit and their conduct in the action. Gen. Wayne, 
who had marched to the support of Butler, sent down some troops un- 
der Major Hamilton. The whole British army came out to save Sim- 
coe, and on the arrival of our army upon this ground returned to Will- 
iamsburg. The post they occupy at present is strong and under pro- 
tection of their shipping, but upwards of one hundred miles from the 
point of Fork." 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 175 

To Mr. Jefferson, then governor of Virginia, and to Gen, 
Washington, Lafayette also gave accounts of this action. 
He stated his own loss at two captains, two lieutenants, ten 
privates wounded ; two lieutenants, one sergeant, six pri- 
vates, killed ; one sergeant, taken ; and one lieutenant and 
twelve privates whose fate was unknown. Cornwallis was 
greatly mortified at tlie result of the action. H s force was 
about four thousand six hundred men, eight hundred of 
whom were dragoons, or mounted infantry. Lafayette had 
about the same number, but only one thousand five hundred 
regulars, and fifty dragoons. Writing to General Wash- 
ington, Lafayette said : " The enemy have been so kind as 
to retire before us. Twice I c;ave them a chance of fight- 
in:], (taking care not to engage farther than I pleased.) but 
they continued their retrograde motions. Our numbers are, 
I think, exaggerated to them, and our seeming boldness con- 
firms the opinion. ***** q^j. 
liitle action more particularly marks the retreat of the en- 
emy. From the place whence he first began to retire is 
upward of one hundred miles. The old arms at the Point 
have been taken out of the water. The cannon was thrown 
into the river, undamaged, when they marched back to 
R'chmond ; so that his lordship did us no harm of any con- 
sequence, but lost an immense part of his former conquests, 
and did not make any in this state. Gen. Greene only de- 
manded of me to hold my ground in Virginia. But the 
movements of Lord Cornwallis may answer better purposes 
than that, in the political line." 

By this time, some of the most chivalrous spirits of Vir- 
ginia had united themselves to Lafayette's corps, consider, 
ably augmenting his moral and pliysical force, though not 
so materially his numbers. The British continued their 
retreat, followed vigilantly by Lafayette ; and while the 
enemy were crossing the river at Jamestown, a warm action 
took place, which came very near being a general one. Tt 
is thus related, in a letter from Lafayette to Gen. Greene, 
dated at Aujbler's Plantation, opposite Jamestown, July 8 : 

" The 6th I detached an advanced corps under Gen. Wayne, with a 
view of reconnoitring the enemy's situation. Their light parties being 
drawn in, the pickets which lay close to their encampment were galiant- 
]y attacked by some riflemen, whose skill was employed to great effect. 

" Having ascertained that Lord CornwaUis had sent off his baggage 
under a proper escort, and posted his army in an open field fortified 



It'6 LIFE OF LAFAYETff. 

by the shipping, I returned to the detachment, which I found more gen- 
erally engaged. A piece of cannon had been attempted by the van- 
guard under Major Galvan, whose conduct deserves high applause. 
Upon this the whole British army came out and advanced to the thin 
wood occupied by General Wayne. His corps, chiefly composed of 
Pennsylvanians and some hght infantry, did not exceed eight hundred 
men, with three field pieces. But, notwithstanding their numbers, at 
sight of the British troops ran to the rencontre. A short skirmi.sh en- 
sued with a closC) warm, and well directed firing, but as the enemy's 
right and left of course greatly outflanked ours, I sent Gen. Wayne or- 
ders to retire half a mile, to where Colonel Vose's and Col. Barber's 
light infantry battalions had arrived by a rapid move, and where I di- 
rected them to form. In this position they remained till some hours in 
the night. The militia under Gen. Lawson had been advanced, and 
the continentals were at Norrel's mill, when the enemy retreated dur- 
ing the night to James Island, which they also evacuated, crossmg over 
to the south side of the river. Their ground at this place and the isl- 
and were successfully occupied by Gen. Muhlenburg. Many valuable 
horses were left on their retreat. 

" From every account the enemy's loss has been very great, and 
much pains taken to conceal it. The light infantrj', the brigade of 
guards and two British regiments, formed the first line, the remainder 
of the army the second ; the cavalry were drawn up but did not charge. 

" By the enclosed return you will see what part of Gen. Wayne's de- 
tachment suffered most. The services rendered by the officers make 
me happy to think that although many were wounded we lost none. 
Most of the field officers had their horses killed, and the same accident 
to every horse of two field pieces made it impossible to move them, un- 
less men had been sacrificed. But it is enough for the glory of Gen. 
Wayne and the officers and men he commanded, to have attacked the 
whole British army with a reconnoitring party only, close to their en- 
campment, and by this severe skirmish hastened their retreat over the 
river. 

" Col. Bowyer of the riflemen is a prisoner." 

Gen. Wayne, in describing the action, said : " Our field 
ofBcers were generally dismounted by having their horses 
cither killed or wounded under ihem. Colonel Mercer, and 
another youn;^ Vii'ginia gentleman, were not more fortu- 
nate. I will not condo'e with the marquis (Lafayette) for 
the loss of two of his, as he vvas, frequently requested to 
keep at a greater distance. His native bravery rendered 
him de-»f to the admoniiion." 

To Gen. Washington, enclnsing an account of this en- 
gagement Lafayett- wrote : " Agreeably to your orders I 
have avoided a general act on, an I when Lord Cornwaliis'^ 
movem.-^'nts indicated t at it \\ as against his interest to- 
tight, I ventured partial engagements. His lord.sbip seems 
to have given up the canquest of Virginia. It has been a 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 177 

great secret that our army was not superior, and was most 
generally inferior, to the enemy's numbers. Our returns 
were swelled up, as militia returns generally are ; but we 
had very few under arms, particularly lately, and to con- 
ceal the lessening of our numbers, I was obliged to push on 
as one who heartily wished a general engagement. Our 
lesrulars did not exceed one thousand five hundred ; the en- 
emy had four thousand regulars, four hundred of whom 
were mounted. They thought we had eight thousand men. 
I never encamped in line, and there was greater difficulty 
to come at our numbers." 

From Jamestown the English retreated to Portsmouth, 
near the mouth of James River, with the waters of the 
Chesapeake open before them. The American army en- 
camped on Malvan Hill, a favorable position in the vicinity. 
From several days of quiet, and indications that the enemy 
intended to embark with their whole army, Lafayette con- 
sidered that the active portion of the Virginia campaign 
was at an end. Believing, therefore, that his favorite pro- 
ject, an attack upon New York by the combined French 
and American forces, would still be attemp'ed, he was anx- 
ious to return to the northern army ; and wrote to General 
WashingluiJ, un the 20lli of Jul_y, as fulJuws . 

" Wnen I went to the southward, you know I had some private ob- 
jections ; but I became sensible of the necessity there was for the de- 
tachment to go, and I knew that had I returned there was nobody that 
could lead them on against their inclination. My entering th.s state 
was happily marked by a service to the capital. Virginia became the 
grand object of the enemy, as it was the point to which the ministry 
tended. I had the honor to command an arrny and oppose Lord Corn- 
wallis. When incomparably inferior to him, fortune was pleased to 
preserve us ; when equal in numbers, though not in quality of troops, 
we have also been pretty lucky. Cornwallis had the disgrace of a re- 
treat, and this state being recovered, government is properly re-estab- 
lished. The enemy are under the prot'-ction of their works at Ports- 
mouth. It appears an embarkation is taking place, probably destined 
to New York. The war in the state would then become a plundering 
one, and great manoeuvres be out of the question. A prudent officer 
would do our business here, and the baron is prudent to the utmost. 
Would it be possible, my dear general, in case a part of the British troops 
go to New York, I may be allowed to join the combined armies 1" 

In another letter, same date, he says : 

" I am entirely a stranger to every thing that passes out of Virginia, 
and Virginian operations being for the present in a state of languor, 



1T8 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

I have more time to think of my solitude ; in a word, my dear general, 
I am home-sick, and if I cannot go to Head Quarters, wish at least to 
hear from thence. I am anxious to know your opinion concerning the 
Virginian campaign. That the subjugations of this state was the great 
object of the ministry is an indisputable fact. I think your diversion 
has been of more use to the state than my mancEuvres ; but the latter 
have been much directed by political views. So long as my lord wish- 
ed for an action, not one gun has been fired ; the moment he declined 
it we have been skirmishing ; but I took care never to commit the ar- 
my. His naval superiority, his superiority of horse, of regulars, his 
thousand advantages over us, so that I dm lucky to have come off safe. 
I had an eye upon European negotiations, and made it a point to give 
his lordship the disgrace of a retreat. 

"From every account it appears that a part of the army will embark. 
The light infantry, the guards, the 80th regiment and Queen's rangers, 
are, it is said, destined to New York. Lord Cornwallis, I am told, is 
much disappointed in his hopes of command. I cannot find out what 
he does with himself. Should he go to England, we are, I think, to 
rejoice for it ; he is a cold and active man, two dangerous qualities in 
this southern war. 

" The clothing you have long ago sent to the light infantry is not yet 
arrived. I have been obliged to send for it, and expect it in a few days. 
These three battalions are the best troops that ever took the field ; my 
confidence in them is unbounded ; they are far superior to any British 
troops, and none will ever venture to meet them in equal numbers. 
What a pity these men are not employed along with the French gren- 
adiers ; they would do eternal honor to our arms. But their presence 

hprp, T l-n^1c;^ rnrtfHSS, Vina cnvpH this statp, anri, inHfprl, fViP southprn 

part of the continent." 

In reply to this letter, (under date of July 30,) General 
Washi'igton said : "You ask my opinion of the Virginia 
campaign. Be assured, my dear m;irqui-i, your conduct 
meets my wr, rmest upprob itiort, as it must that of every 
bo ly. Should it ever be said, that my attachment to you 
betrayed me into partiality, you have ('nly to appeal to facts 
to refute any such charge. But I tru>t there will be no 
occasion." In a private letter of the same date, Gen. Wash- 
ington wrote : " I am convinced that your desire to be with 
th s army, arises principally from a wish to be actively use- 
ful. You will not, therefore, regret your stay in Virginia 
until matters are reduced to a greater degree of certainty, 
th ;n they are at present ; esj)ecially when I teli you, that, 
from the change of circumstances with which the removal 
of part of I he enemy's force from Virginia to New York 
will be attended, it is more than probable we shall also en- 
tirely change our plan of operations." 

Washington dared not to be qiore explicit, for fear his 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 17 9 

letter might be intercepted. But he was beginning to turn 
his attention to the south, and the great result of Lafayette's 
successful operations in Virginia, was soon to be consum- 
mated. The Count de Barras arrived from France on the 
6th of May, to take command of the French squadron at 
Newport. With him came the son of Count Rochambeau, 
who had preceded Mr. Laurens to France, with despatches 
to the French government on American affairs. By him, 
Count de Rochambeau had been advised of the intentions 
of his government, with respect to operations in America. 
The French government had agreed to supply the Ameri- 
cans with six millions of livres, and a part of the money 
had been forwarded. They were also negotiating for a losLri 
of ten millions from Holland. Six hundred recruits 
were to be sent to re-enforce Count de Rochambeau, with 
money for the army and navy. The Count de Grasse was 
about to sail, with a large naval armament, for the West 
Indies. He was authorized to take on board a detachment 
of troops at the Islands, and sail for the American coast, to 
employ the summer months in co-operating with the squad- 
ron under Count de Barras, and the French and American 
armies. In announcing this intention, Count de Grasse 
stated that his stay must necessarily be short, and urged 
speedy preparations to co-operate w'nh. him. Upon the re- 
ceipt of tl'iis important intelligence, Count de Rochambeau 
immediately requested a conferance with Gen. Washington, 
to arrange the plan of operations. That conference took 
place at Weathersfield, Conn., on the 22d of May. Count 
de Rochambeau inclined to an expedition to Virginia, where 
his young countryman was arduously and gallantly em- 
ployed. For reasons, however, assigned by Gen. Wash- 
ington, a combined attack upon New York was agreed 
upon. But, it appears, the Count wrote to M. de Grasse in 
answer, expressing it as his private opinion, that an enter- 
prise, in the Chesapeake Bay, against Cornwallis, would be 
the most practicable and the least suspected by the enemy, 
leaving it (o his discretion, (in which General Washington 
concurred) whether to make the northern coast, or go di- 
rectly to the Chesapeake. It was agreed, also that the 
French army should leave Newport, and unite with the 
American army on the banks of the Hudson. The junc- 
tion was effected on the 6th of July. 



180 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

The junction of the two armies was announced to La- 
fayette, in a letter from Washington, dated July 13th, in 
which he congratulated him on the favorable turn of affairs 
in Virginia, and expressed a hope that he would be able to 
maintain his superiority ; adding, " I shall shortly have oc- 
casion to communicate matters of very great importance 
to you, so much so that I shall send a confidential officer 
on purpose. You will in the mean time endeavor to draw 
together as respectable a body of continental troops as you 
possibly can, and take evei'y measure to augment your cav- 
alry. Should the enemy confine themselves to the lower 
country, you will no doubt pay attention to the formation 
of magazines above." He enjoined Lafayette to keep open 
the line of communication with Philadelphia, and with the 
coast, and to inform him promptly of the movements of the 
enemy. 

These injunctions were superfluous ; for Lafayette was 
ever active and vigilant. He watched the enemy narrow- 
ly, and sent advices of every movement to General Wash- 
ington. He called out the militia to guard the passes, and 
took every precaution to prevent the retreat of the enemy 
to North Carolina. Such was his vigilance that he had 
his spies, even in the camp and household of Cornwallis. 
The following anecdote, illustrative of what we have here 
said, is related by Mr. Sparks : 

" When Cornwallis had retired before Lafayette, and was near Will- 
iamsburg, as the former had a superior force, Lafayette did not choose 
to bring him to a general action ; but he wished at the same time to 
impress upon him the idea ot the largeness of his numbers, in ordep 
that Cornwallis might not be induced to turn upon him, and thus com- 
pell him again to retreat. He had taken into his service a very shrewd 
negro man, whom he had instructed to go into the enemy's camp and 
pretend to give himself up to them. This task the man performed with 
so much cunning, that he was actually employed by Lord Cornwallis as 
a spy, at the time he was acting in the same capacity lor the other si^de. 
But he was true to his first employer. Lafayette wrote a fictitious order 
to General Morgan, requiring him to take his station at a certain post 
in conjunction with the army. The paper was then torn and given to 
the negro with directions how to proceed. He returned to Cornwallis, 
who asked him what news he brought from the American camp. He 
said there was no news, that he saw no changes, but every thing 
appeared as it was the day before. Holding the tattered paper in his 
hand, he was asked What it was, and replied that he had picked it np 
in the American camp, but, as he could not read, he did not know that 
it was of any importance. The general took it, and was surprised to 



tiFE OF LAFAYETTE. iSl 

Hnd such an order. He had not heard of Morgan's having joined the 
array, or of his being expected. It made him cautious, however, for a 
day or two before he was undeceived, and the object of Lafayette was 
gained." 

July 31, Lafayette wrote to Gen. Washington : " A cor- 
respondent of mine, servant of Lord Cornwallis, writes on 
the 26ti=i cf July, at Portsmouth, and says, h,s master, Tarle- 
tOH) and Simcoe, are still in town, but expect to move. 
The greater part of the army is embarked. My lord'ij bng- 
gage is yet in town. His lordship is so shy of his p ipers, 
that my honest friend says he cannot get at them. '{ here 
is a large quantity of negroes, but, it seems, no vessels to 
take them off. What garrison they leave I do not know. 
I shall take case at least to keep ihem within bounds. 
Should a French fleet now come in Hampton Road, the 
British army would, I think, be oui's." 

After embarking his forces on board the vessels, instead 
of proceeding for JNTew York, as Lafayette had suspected, 
Cornwallis passed up the Bay, entered York River, and 
landed at York and Gloucester. The enemy first began 
their entrenchments upon Gloucester Point, a neck of land 
opposite York, but proceeded for many days slowly in their 
operations, as though undecided in their phms. 

The hints which Gen. Washington had conveyed to him 
in the letters of July 13 and 3t), and the recent movements 
of the enemy^ rendered Lafayette better satisfied with his 
position. He wrote, August 11 : "Be sure, my dear gen- 
eral, that the pleasure of being with you, will make me hap- 
py in any command you may think proper to give me ; but 
for the present, I am of the opinion, with you, 1 had better 
remain in Virginia ; the more so, as Lord Cornwallis does 
not choose to leave us, and circumstances may happen that 
will furnish me agreeable opportunities in the command of 
the Virginia army. I have pretty well understood you, my 
dear general, but would be happy in a more minute de- 
tail, which, I am sensible, cannot be intrusted to letters. 
* * * * But to return to operations in Vir- 

ginia, I will tell you, my dear general, that Lord Cornwal- 
lis is entrenching at York and at Gloucester. The sooner 
we disturb him the better: but unless our maritime friends 
give us help, we cannot much venture below." 

By the arrival of a French frigate at Boston, from Count 

16 



182 LIFE OF LAFAYEl'Ti:. 

de Grasse, Gen. Washington received intelligence that the 
count, with a fleet of from twenty-five to twenty-nine ves-* 
sels of war, and about three thousand troops, would leave 
St. Domingo on the 13th of August, and proceed directly 
for the Chesapeake Bay. " Under these circumstances, 
(he wrote to Lafayette) whether the enemy remain in full 
force, or whether they have only a detachment left, you will 
immediately take such a position as will best enable you to 
prevent iheir sudden retreat through North Carolina, which 
I presume they will attempt the instant they perceive so for- 
midable an armament. . . . You will hear further from 
me as soon as I have concerted plans and formed disposi- 
tions for sending re-enforcements from hence. In the mean' 
time I have only to recommend a Continuation of that prti- 
dence and good conduct which you have manifested through 
the whole of your campaign." 

This intelliiJence was highly gratifying to Lafayette.^ 
Under date of August 21st, he informs Gen. Washington^ 
that the enemy were very busy at Gloucester Neck, but had 
notcomm^^nced fortifying at York. He states the measures 
he had adopted, agreeably to General Washington's sugges- 
tions, to prevent the escape of the enemy, and facilitate a 
junrtion with the expected re-enforcements. And adds : 
" In the present state of aflairs, my dear general, I hope 
you will come yourself to Virginia, and that, if the French' 
army moves this way, I will have, at least, the satisfaction 
of beliolding you myself at the head of the combined armies. 
In two days I will write again to your excellency, and keep 
you particularly and constantly informed, unless something 
is done at the very moment (and it will probably be diffi- 
cult). LordCornwallis must be attncked with pretty great 
apparatus. But when a French fleet takes possession of 
lh.3 biy and rivers, and we form a land force superior to 
his, that army must sooner or later be forced to surrender, 
as we may get what re-enforcements we please. Adieu, 
my dear general : I heartily thank you for having ordered 
mo 'o remain in Virginia : it is to your goodness that I am 
indebted for the most beautiful prospect which I may ever 
behold. 

On the 29th, Lafayette wrote : " The enemy have 
evacuated their forts at Troy, Kemp's Landing, Great 
Bridge^ and PortsmouLh. Their vessels, with troops and 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 183 

baggage, went round to York. Some cannon have been 
left spiked up at Portsmouth, but I have not yet received 
proper returns. I have got some intelligence by the way 
of this servant I have once mentioned. [See page 181.] 
A very sensible fellow was with him ; and from him, as well 
as deserters, I hear they begin fortifying at York. They 
are even working by a windmill, at which place I under- 
stand they will make a fort and battery for the defence of 
the river. I have no doubt that something will be done on 
the land side. The works at Gloucester are finished. 
They consist of some redoubts across Gloucester Creek, and 
a battery of eighteen pieces bounding the river." 

The " very sensible fellow" here alluded to, is the hero 
of the following narrative, which we find in a note to La- 
ette's correspondence, and also in Spark's Writings of 
Washington : 

" After the arrival of Lord Cornwallis at York, General Lafayette 
asked Colonel Barber for a faithful and an intelligent soldier whom he 
could send as a spy into the English camp, Morgan, of the New Jer- 
sey line, was pointed out to him. The general sent for him, and pro- 
posed to him the difficult task of going over to the enemy as a desert- 
er, and enrolling himself in their army. Morgan answered, that he was 
ready to do every thing for his country and his general, but that to act 
the part of a spy was repugnant to all his feelings ; he did not fear for 
his life, but for his name, which might be blotted with an eternal stain. 
He ended, however, by yielding, but on condition that in case of any 
misfortune, the general would make the truth known, and publish all 
the particulars of the case in the New Jersey papers. M. de Lafayette 
promised this should be done. Morgan then proceeded to the English 
camp. His mission was to give advice of the movements of the ene- 
my, and deceive them as to the projects and resources of the Ameri- 
cans. He had not been long with the English, when Cornwallis sent 
for him, and questioned him, in the presence of Tarleton, upon the 
means General Lafayette might have of crossing south of James River. 
Morgan replied, according to his private instructions, that he had a 
sufficient number of boats, on the first signal, to cross the river with his 
whole army. " In that case," said Cornwallis to Tarleton, " what I 
said to you cannot be done ;" alluding, in all probability, to an intend- 
ed march upon North Carolina. After the arrival of the French fleet, 
M. de Laofayette, on his return from a reconnoitring party, found in 
his quarter six men dressed in the English uniform, and a Hessian 
dressed in green : Morgan was amongst them, bringing back five de- 
serters and a prisoner ; he no longer thought his services as a spy could 
be of any use to his country. The next day, the general ofl^ered him, 
as a recompense, the rank of sergeant. Morgan thanked him, but de- 
clined the offer, saying that he thought himselt a good soldier, but was 
r„Qt certain of being a good sergeant. Other offers were also refused^ 



184 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

« What can I then do for you V inquired the general. " I have only 
one favor to ask," replied Morgan. " During my absence my gun has 
been taken from me ; I value it very much, and I should liKe to have 
it back again." Orders were i:iven that the gun should be found and 
restored to him ; this was the only thing he could be prevaile'^ on to 
receive. Mr. Sparks, who published this anecdote, says, "he heard it 
related, fifty years after it had occurred, by General Lafayette, who 
still expressed great admiration for that soldier's noble feelings and dis-. 
interested conduct." 



CHAPTEPv XIX. 

Gen. Washington, with the combined armies, resolves to march t-? 
Virginia. Injunctions to Lafayette renewed and complied with. 
Cornwallis held in a position fa v-orable to Lafayette's plans and wishes. 
The fleet of Count de Grasse arrives in the Chesapeake. Lafayette 
in command of the combined forces. Blockades Cornwallis, by sea 
and land. Impatience ot Count de Grasse and Gen. St. Simon. 
Urge Lafayette to attack Cornwallis. He refuses Sacrifices am- 
bition, and glory, to duty and discretion, A British fleet appears off 
the Chesapeake. Count de Grasse sails. Meets and disperses them. 
Gen. Washington and Count Rochambeau arrive at Willjamsburg. 
Interview with the French admiral. De Grasse promises lo co-op- 
erate. Changes his mind. Resolves to sail for the West Indies. 
Mission of Lafayette, to dissuade him from it. Its succefis. The 
French and American armies arrive. General Washington in com- 
mand. Siege of Yorktown commenced. Gen. Rochan'beau's ac- 
count of it. Lafayette storms and carries a redoubt. Capitulation 
and surrender. Lafayette's deportment. Vindicates the Americans. 
Offers to join Gen. Greene. Resolves to visit France. Takes leave 
of his brave corps. Complimentary resolves of Congress. Approba- 
tory letters of Counts de Segur and de Vergennes. Farewell letters 
of Washington. Lafayette bids adieu to Washington nnd sails for 
France. His military services in America terminated. Their value. 
Estimate of the Virginia campaign. Gen. Lee's opinion. Testimo- 
ny of Mr. Madison. 

Tn the mean time, the movement so much desired by La- 
fayette, had been resolved upon. The advices from Count 
de Grasse, and the re-enforcement of tlie Britis'i army at 
New York by the arrival of three thousaiid Hessians, had 
induced Gen. Washinsjton finally to abandon t'le plan of 
attacking New York, and to determine on repairing in per- 
son, with the whole of the French army, and as large a 
portion of the American army as could be spared, lo the 
Chesapeake. He advised Lafayette, from King's Ferry^ 



tlPB OF LAPAYEttE. 185 

2lst August, that the troops destined for the southern quar. 
ter, were then in motion ; and the American detachments 
were already on the west side of the Hudson ; that he ex- 
pected the French army to reach the ferry that day ; and 
that their march would be continued with all the despatch 
that their circumstances would admit. " As it will be of 
great importance (he added) towards the success of our pres- 
ent enterprise, that the enemy, on the arrival of the fleet, 
should not have it in their power to effect their retreat, I can- 
not omit to repeat to you my most earnest wish that ths land 
and naval forces, which you will have with you, may so 
combine their operations, that the British army may not be 
able to escape. '1 he particular mode of doing this, I shall 
not, at this distance, attempt to dictate. Your own knowl- 
edge of the country, from your long continuance in it, and 
the various and extensive movements which you have made, 
have given you great opportunities for observation ; of 
which 1 am persuaded your military genius and judgement 
will lead you to make the best improvement. You will, my 
dear marquis, keep me constantly advised of every impor- 
tant event re.'r>pec ting the enemy or yourself." 

It would, perhaps, be sufficient to say, that these injunc- 
tions were fulfilled to the letter. To prevent the enemy's 
escape into North Carolina, Lafayette despatched troops 
to the south of /ames River, under pretence of dislodging 
the enemy from Portsmouth. With the same view he de- 
tained troops on the south of James River, under the pre- 
tence of detaching General Wayne, with the Pennsylvania 
troops, to the southern army, to re-enforce Gt-neral Greene. 
He disclosed to no one his objects, and therefore they could 
not be betrayed to the enemy. It was at this period, and to 
aid in deceiving the enemy, that the protended deserter, 
Morgan, mentioned in a preceding page, was sent to Lord 
Cornwallis' camp. By untiring efforts, by a series of the 
most skilful manoeuvring for months, Lafayette had driven 
his adversaries into a position the most favorable to his plan 
of a naval co-operation ; and by persevering vigilance, skill 
and bravery, he held them to that position, after the danger 
-had become apparent to them. 

On the 1st of September, Lafayette had the satisfaction 
of announcing to Gen. Washington the arrival of Couijt de 
Grasse's fleet. It consisted of twenty-eight ships of the 

16* 



1S6 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

line, with several frigates and convoys ; and a corps of 
three thousand troops under the Marquis St. Simon. La- 
fayette marched rapidly to Williamsburg, and effected a 
junction with the French troops on the 5th. He then 
crossed the river, united Wayne's corps to his own, and as- 
sembled, on the other side of the river, opposite to Glouces- 
tes, a corps of militia. Lord Cornwallis thus found him- 
self, as though by magic, suddenly blockaded by sea and 
land, with no chance of escape, except by a perilous effort. 
He, however, reconnoitred Lafayette's position at Williams- 
burg, with the design of attacking it. He found it well 
chosen, and its defences strong and judiciously arranged. 
There were five thousand French and American troops, a 
large corps of militia, and well-manned siege artillery. His 
lordship declined hazarding the attack. There was one 
point !iy which, Lafayette thought, the enemy might possi- 
bly escape. He might have crossed over to Gloucester, 
and ascended York River, the Count de Grasse not having 
complied with the request of Lafayette to send some vessels 
up York River, to defend that passage. But in that at- 
tempt Cornwallis must have abandoned his artillery, mag- 
azines, and invalids ; and measures had been adopted to cut 
off his road in several places. He therefore abandoned all- 
present idea of escape, and labored night and day to com- 
plete his defences. 

With the arrival of the French fleet, and the union of his 
countrymen with his gallant band of American soldiers, La- 
fayette was highly elated. He wrote to Gen. Washington ^ 
♦' Thanks to you, my dear general, I am in a very charming 
situation, and find myself at the head of a beautiful body of 
troops ; but am not so hasty as the Count de Grasse, and 
think that, having so sure a game to play, it would be mad- 
ness, by the risk of an attack, to give any thing to chance." 
Indeed, the Count de Grasse, having so short a time to re- 
main, was impatient of the least delay. Not finding, on 
his arrival, the combined armies of Gen. Washington and 
Count de Rochambeau, already on the ground, as he anti- 
cipated, and the prospects of their arrival being so distant, 
he WcS desirous that Lafayette should commence the attack- 
with the French and American forces already under his 
command ; offering for that purpose, not only the detach- 
ments which formed the garrisons of the ships, but as many 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 187 

sailors as might be required. The Marquis St. Simon, who^ 
although senior in age and services to Lafayette, was ju- 
nior in command, concurred with the admiral in opinion. 
Tiiey represented, that the works of Lord Cornwallis were 
yet in an unfinished state, and that a sudden and well-di- 
rected attack, under those circumstances, would probably 
prove successful ; whereas, by waiting until the enemy's 
fortifications were completed, even with (he additional for- 
ces expected, a long and difficult siege might be necessary. 
They said it was but just that their young countryman, 
who, after so long and arduous a campaign, had brought 
the enemy to his present condition, should have the glory 
of comp:jlh*ng him to surrender his arms. These considi^r- 
atiois were ttmpling to a young general, of ardent temper- 
ament, not yet 24 years of age ; and the attempt might have 
been justified by the declaration of the French admiral, that 
he could not wait the arrival of the northern armies. But 
Lafayette was proof against all considerations of personal 
ambition. He would not hazard the lives of the soIdieis> 
with whom he had undergone so many hardships, in an at- 
tempt which, had it been saccessful, would have occasioned 
an immense bloodshed. He endeavored to persuade lii-3 
countrymen of the propriety of awaiting the arrival of Gen. 
Washington and Count de Rochambeaii, to whom it prop- 
erly belonged to direct an operation of so much importance ; 
and whoso added forces would ensure the conquest of the 
enemy without the sacrifice of so much blood. 

The attention of Count de Grasse, however, was soou 
called to another object. From the junction of the French 
and American armies to the commencement of their march 
to the Chesapeake, the movements of General Washington 
had been such as to leave no doubt on the mind of Sir Henry 
Clinton of his intention to attack New York, and thus to 
prevent any re-enforcements being sent to Cornwallis in- 
Virginia. Leaving a corps of 3,000 men under Gen. Heathy 
on the west of the Hudson^ to protect West Point and the 
northern states. General Washington, with the remainder 
of the American army and the French army, pursued his^ 
march, on the 21st, towards Philadelphia : one column pass- 
ing through Chatham, Springfield, &c., for the purpose of 
keeping up as long as possible, an appearance, of threatening 
Staten Island, or of marching round to Sandy Hook to fa- 



18S LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

cilitate the entrance of the French fleet into the harbor. It 
was not until afier these movements that Sir Henry Ciinton 
was undeceived. Admiral Hood, with a British squadron 
from the West Indies, having arrived off New York, joined 
Admiral Graves, and proceeded with all speed for the Ches- 
apeake. They arrived off the Chesapeake Bay on the 5th 
of September. Count de Grasse, with a large portion of 
fiis fleet, immediately went out to meet them ; and hriving 
dispersed the enemy's vessels, returned to the Chesapeake 
0:1 the 14th of S. ptember. In the mean time Count de 
Barras, with the French squadron from Newport, had for- 
tunately arrived in the bay, having captured two of the en- 
emy's fiitjates. The same day General Washington had 
arrived at Williamsburg. He had, accompanied by Count 
de Rochambeau, preceded the army, which moved slowly, 
for tlie want of requisite means of conveyance by water, 
and was then at the Hear! of Elk and at A.nnapolis. On 
the 17th, accompanied by Count de Rochambeau, Chevalier 
de Ctjastellux, Gen. Knox and G-m. Duportail, he proceed- 
ed to Cape Henry, and had an interview, on board of one of 
the French vessels, with Ailmiral de Grasse. On the 23 I, 
he wrote to (he President of Congress, " I am happy to in- 
form Congress, that I found the French admiral disposed in 
the best manner to give us ail the assistance in his power, 
and perfectly to co-Oj)erate with me in our present attempt." 
The same day, however, the admiral wrote to him, that in 
consequence of certain intellii^ence fronn the West Indies, 
he was disposed to depart immediately to sea, leaving only 
two vessels, and the troops of St. Simon. At Washington's 
request, Lafayette forthwith repaired to the admiral, with a 
letter, representing to him the iu^portance of his remaining, 
and saying, in conclusion : " The Marquis de Lafayette^ 
who does me the honor to bear this to your excellency, will 
explain many particularities of our situation, which could 
not Will be comprised in a letter. His candor and abilities 
are well known to you, and entitle him to the fullest confi- 
dence in treating of the most important interests." 

Happily, Lafayette succeeded in his mission. The count, 
with feelings highly honorable to him, yielded his own 
plans, and entered fully into those of the siege. The French 
and American armies, arriving by land and water, formed 
a junction with those of Lafayette and St. Simon at Will* 



EIFE OF LAFAYETTE. ISS" 

iamsburg, on the 27th of September. On the next day, 
they marched to the investment of Yorktown, and that me- 
morable siege was begun. Lafayette was no longer the 
Commander-in-chief of the army in Virginia. Gen. Wash- 
ington took command in person and directed the siege. 
Count Rochambeau commanded the French, including the 
corps of St. Simon. One division of the American forces, 
including his brave army of Virginia, and two additional 
battalions of light infantry under Col. Hamilton, were pla- 
ced under Lafayette, and the other division under Major 
General Lincoln, who had conducted the army from the 
north. The progress of the siege is thus stated by Count 
de Rochambeau in his Memoirs : 

" On the 28 of September we left Williamsburg at day-break and 
advanced to York. I began with the French corps to invest it from 
York River to the marsh, near the house of Colonel Nelson, taking ad- 
vantage of the woods, the ndeaux, and the marshy creeks, so as to con- 
fine the enemy to within pistol-shot of their works. The three French 
brigades were encamped very near, but covered by the ground from the 
enemy's cannon. Viomesnil commanded the grenadiers and chasseurs 
of the vanguard, and our investing was effected without the loss of a 
single man. The same day Gen. Washington, at the head of the 
American corps, was obliged to double behind us, and to stop on the 
nrarshes, all the bridges over which were broken down. He employed 
the rest of the day and the night in repairing them. On the &9th thcx 
American army passed the marsh on which its left was posted, and its 
right on York River. The investing of the place was complete and as 
close as possible. The infantry of Lauzun having landed, marched un- 
der its colonel to join its cavalry, which I had sent by way of Tarre 
on the road to Gloucester, under the command of Brigadier-General. 
Vonedon, who commanded a corps of American militia. All the le- 
gion was united there on the 2€th, the day on which York was invest- 
ed. 

" On the 30th, we had sent M. de Choisy to M. de Grasse to ask of 
him a detachment of the crews of his ships to re-enforce M. de Lauzun 
in the county of Gloucester. M. de Grasse gave him eight hundred 
men. On the 3d of October M. de Choisy went forward to invest 
Gloucester and take up a nearer position. Tarleton was on the spot 
with 400 cavalry and 200 infantry to forage. The legion of Lauzun, 
supported by a corps of American militia, attacked this detachment so 
impetuously that it broke it and obliged it to return into the place, with 
some loss. M. de Choisy, after this action, pushed his advanced post 
within a mile of Gloucester. 

" The trenches were opened in the two attacks above and below 
York River, in the night of the 6th of October. That on the right 
was six or seven hundred loises in extent, and was flanked by four re- 
doubts. It was made without any loss, because we began the work 
with that on the left, which, though it was only a false attack, attract- 



190 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

ed all the attention of the enemy. The strength of the English army 
which was invested, the character of the general who commanded it, 
obliged as to conduct all these attacks with great order and precau- 
tion. This is the proper place to give due praise to MM. Portail and 
de Querenet, who conducted this siege at the head of the engineers, 
and to M. d'Aboville, and to General Knox commanding the artillery 
of the two nations. The American army took charge of the right of 
the trenches, the French of the centre and of the left. 

" I must do the Americans the justice to say, that they behaved with 
a degree of zeal, courage, and emulation, which never left them behind 
in all that they had undertaken, though they were unacquainted with 
the operations of a siege. 

" We set fire by our batteries to one of the enemy's men-of-war and 
to three transports, which had cast anchor, with the intention of taking 
our attacks in the rear. 

" In the night of the 14th the trenches having been relieved by the 
regiments of Gatinais and Royal-Deux-Ponts, under the command of 
Baron Viomesnil, we resolved on the attack of the two redoubts on the 
enemy's left. General Washington appointed Lafayette to that on the 
right, and I appointed M. de Viomesnil to that on the left with the 
French. Four hundred grenadiers debouched at the head of this at- 
tack, under the command of Count William de Deux-Ponts and of M. 
de I'Estrapade, lieutenant-colonel of the regiment of Gatinais. MM. 
de Viomesnil and Lafayette made so impituous an attack that the re- 
doubts were carried, sword in hand, at the same moment. The greats 
er part of the men in them were killed, wounded, or taken prisoners. 
A lodgement was made by joining these redoubts by a communication 
to the right of our second parallel, the ground on which they stood af- 
fording means of erecting new batteries which completed the blockade 
of the army of Cornwallis, and threw balls a ricochet into the whole of 
the interior of the place, at a distance which could not fail to do much 
damage. The Count de Deux-Ponts was wounded, and also Charles 
de Lameth, the adjutant-general, and M. de Gimat, aid-de-camp to 
Lafayette." 

[Lafayette relates, that previous to the assault on the re^ 
doubts being commenced, the Baron de Viomesnil had ex- 
pressed, in a somewhat boastful manner, the opinion he had 
of the superiority of the French in an attack of that kind ; 
Lafayette, a little piqued at this seeming reflection upon the 
Americans, replied : " We are but young soldiers, and have 
but one sort of tactic on such occasions, which is, to dis- 
charge our muskets, and push on straight with the bayon- 
et." He then led on the American troops, of whom he 
gave the command to Colonel Hamilton, with the Colonels 
Laurens and Gimat under him. The American troops car- 
ried the redoubt in a very few minutes at the point of the 
bayonet. As the enemy's firing continued in the redoubt, as- 
sailed b^ the Frenchj Lafayette sent an aid-de-camp to the 




:APITULATI0N at TOKKTOWN. gen. o'hARA delivering his sword to gen. WASH- 
INGTON, IN PRESENCE OF GENERALS ROCHAMBEAU AND LAFAYETTE, AND THE STAFF 
0F THE ALLIED ARMIES. 



Lli'E dF LAFAYETTE. 193 

Baron, to tell him that he (Lafayette,) had carried his re- 
doubt, and to ask, whether, he (Viomesnil,) did not reauire 
aid from the Americans ? " Tell Lafayette,'' said Viom- 
esnil, *' that I have not yet carried my redoubt, but shall do 
so in five minutes." He made his words good.] 

" In the night of the 15th the enemy made a sally with 800 chosen 
men. -He met with resistance at all our redoubts, and took possession 
of a battery of the second parallel, where he spiked four guns. The 
Chevalier de Ohastellux marched against the enemy with his reserve, 
and repulsed tliis sally. The four guns being badly spiked, were ren- 
dered serviceable six hours afterwards by the care of General d'Abo- 
ville, commander of our artillery. The Marquis de St. Simon was 
wounded in the trenches on the following day, and not wishing to be 
relieved, finished his twenty-four hours of duty. 

" At last, on the 17th, the enemy com.menced a parley, and the cap- 
itulation -was signed on the 19th of October, by which Lord Cornv/allis 
and his army were mads prisoners of war The Americans and French 
took possession at noon of two bastions. The garrison defiled at two 
o'clock between the two armies, with drums beating, carrying their 
arms, which they afterwards piled with twenty pair of colors. Lord 
Cornwallis being ill. General O'Hara defiled at the head of the garri- 
son. When he came up he presented his sword to me, I pointed to 
General Washington, who was opposite me at the head of the Ameri- 
can army, and told him that the French army being auxiliaries on the 
continent, it was the American general who was to signify his orders 
to him. 

" Colonel Laurens, Viscount Noailles, and M. de Granehain had 
been appointed by their respective generals to draw up the articles of 
this capitulation, together with some superior officers of the army of 
Lord Cornwallis. It was signed by General Washington, the Count de 
Rochambeau, and M. de Barras, as representative of Count de Grasse, 
and immediately carried into execution. We found 8,000 piisoners, 
of whom 7,000 were regular troops, and 1,000 sailors; 214 pieces of 
cannon, of which 75 were of brass, and 22 pair of colors. Among the 
prisoners, there were at least 2,000 in the hospitals, of whom the 
greatest care was taken. All the rest were sent into the interior of the 
country." 

Count Dumas, who conducted the capitulation on the 
part of the French general, states : " The garrison defiled 
between the two lines, beyond which I caused them to form 
in order of battle, and pile their arms. The English offi- 
cers manifested the most bitter mortification, and I remem- 
ber that Colonel Abercrombie, of the English guards, (the 
same who afterwards perished in Egypt, on the field of 
battle, where he had just triumphed,) at the mom.ent v\-hen 
his troops laid down their arms, withdrew rapidly, covering 
his face and biting his sword." It was indeed a result hu- 

17 



194 LIFE OF LAFAYETTS. 

miliating to British pride ; and the officers sought to evad^ 
the consciousness of relel triumph, by ungenerous reflections 
upon the American officers, and professions of respect for 
the French. Cornwallis had undoubtedly affected indispo- 
sition, that he might not surrender at the head of his troops. 
Generals Washington, Rochambeau, and Lafayette, sent 
their aies-de-camp to present him their compliments. He 
detained the aid-de-camp of Lafayette, Major Washington, 
nephew of the general, and expressed his anxiety to explain 
in person to the general who had so gallantly opposed him 
during the campaign, that he had only surrendered when 
defence was no longer possible. The next day Lafayette 
called to see him. " I know," said Cornwallis, " your hu- 
manity towards prisoners, and I recommend my poor army 
to you." This was said in a tone and manner which im- 
plied that he had confidence in Lafayette alone, and not in 
the Americans. Lafayette therefore replied with spirit : 
" You know, my lord, that the Americans have always been 
humane towards captured armies^' — alluding more particu- 
larly to the case of Burgoyne'sarmy, captured at Saratoga. 
Indeed, Cornwallis, who was a brave and able officer, and 
greatly pained at his misfortune, was treated by General 
Washington, and the French and American officers, with 
the greatest kindness and respect ; and a like treatment 
was extended to all of the prisoners. Lafayette, participa- 
ting in these acts of generosity, and alive to the honor of 
the Americans, would suffer no imputations to be cast upon 
them, unrepelled. General O'Hara having remarked one 
day at table, to the French generals, affecting to speak so 
that Lafayette could not hear him, that he considered it as 
fortunate not to have been taken by the Americans alone, 
" General O'Hara, probably," replied Lafayette, " does not 
like repetitions." He had been captured with Burgoyne, 
and was afterwards taken for the third time, by the French 
at Toulon. 

The news of the capitulation at Yorktown, flew upon the 
wings of the wind, and occasioned joy to the hearts of all who 
were friendly to the American cause. It was conveyed to 
France, by a French frigate, in the short passage of eigh. 
teen days. In England, it occasioned consternation to the 
war advocates, and caused the downfall of Lord North's 
ministry. The way ^was thus prepared to an honorable 



tlFE OF LAFAYETTE. 195 

J>eace for the American people, with the acknowledgement 
■of their independence as its basis. 

But this decisive event did not relax the vigilance of 
Washington and Lafayette. They wished to make " assur- 
ance doubly sure," by striking a blow upon the enemy fur- 
ther south. It was proposed that Lafayette, with two thou- 
sand Americans, and St. Simon's corps of French, should 
be conveyed by the squadron of Count de Grasse, to secure 
the capture of Charleston, and co-operate with Gen. Greene, 
who commanded there, in driving the enemy from the Car- 
olinas. But the Count de Grasse, anxious to return to the 
West Indies, and restricted by his instructions, refused all 
co-operation, although Lafayette had frequent and earnest 
interviews with him, to endeavor to induce him at least to 
detach a part of his vessels to convey re-enforcements to 
Oen. Greene. When Lafayette, returning from his last 
visit to the admiral, landed at Yorktown, Lord Cornwallis, 
who was still there, remarked to some officers, " I will lay 
a bet he has been making arrangements for our ruin at 
Charleston !" 

Active military operations for the season were at an end. 
The American army, with the exception of two thousand 
men, who were detached to re-enforce Gen. Greene in the 
south, returned to winter quarters near the banks of the 
Hudson. The French army remained in Virginia until the 
following summer. Lafayette resolved to visit once more 
his native land. Added to the natural desire of seeing 
his family and friends, he cherished the purpose of pro- 
curing from the French government further and sub- 
stantial aid to America, and more particularly to urge a 
powerful naval co-operation, for the ensuing campaign, 
in case an honorable peace should not previously be con- 
cluded. On the point of leaving Yorktown, he took leave, 
in a general order, of his brave corps of infantry, with whom 
he had undergone so many perils, and achieved such glori- 
ous results. " In the moment (he said) the major-general 
leaves this place, he wishes once more to express his grati- 
tude to the brave corps of light infantry, who for nine months 
past have been the companions of his fortunes. He will 
never forget, that with them alone, of regular troops, he had 
the good fortune to manoeuvre before an army which, after 



X 95 LIFE OF ■ LAFAYETTE. 

all its redactions, is still six times superior to the regular 
force he had at that time.'' 

Repairing to Philadelphia, a formal leave of absence vvaa 
granted to him by Congress ; and it was resolved, (Novem- 
ber 234^1781,) " that Major-General the Marquis de Lafay- 
ette be informed that, on a review of his conduct throughout 
the past campaign, and particularly during the period in 
which he had the chief command in Virginia, the many new 
proofs which present themselves of his zealous attachment 
to the cause he has espoused, and of his judgement, vigi- 
lance, gallantry and address in its office, have greatly added 
to the high opinion entertained by Congress of his merit and 
military talents.'' It was also resolved, " That the secre- 
tary of foreign affairs acquaint the ministers plenipotentia- 
ry of the United States, that it is the desire of Congress that 
they confer with the Marquis de Lafayette, and avail theni- 
selves of his information relative to the situation of public 
afFairs-in the United States." And that he "further ac- 
quaint the minister plenipotentiary at the court of Versail- 
les, that he will conform to the intention of Congress, by con- 
sulting with and employing the assistance of the Marquis de 
Lafayette in accelerating the supplies, which may be afford- 
ed by his most Christian Majesty for the use of the United 
StateSo" Congress also wrote by him a letter to the king 
of France,. in which Lafayette was warmly recommended, 
to the favor of his sovereign. 

Thus honored and commissioned by Congress, Lafayette 
repaired to Boston, where the American frigate Alliance^ 
the saine in which he had embarked on his former voyage, 
was in readiness, by order of Congress, to convey him to 
Franco, 

In the mean time, the conduct of Lafayette in Virginia 
had called forth the warm approbation of his own govern- 
ment. The minister of v/ar, Count de Segur, wrote to him 
as follows : 

*' December 5th, 1781. 
*'' The king, sir, having been informed of the raiUtary talents of 
which you have given such multiplied proofs whilst commanding the 
different corps of the army that has been confided to you in the United 
States ; of the wisdom and prudence that have guided you in the vari- 
ous decisions you were called upon to take respecting the interests of 
the United States ; and of the great confidence with which you hav© 



LijfE OF LAFAYETTE. 197 

lli'spired General Washington ; his Majesty has desired me to tell you, 
":hat the praises you have so justly merited on such various occasions 
have fixed his attention, and that your conduct and successes have made 
hinij Sir, conceive the most favorable opinion of you ; such a one as 
you might yourself desire, and from which you may depend on his fu- 
ture kindness. His Pvlajesty, in order to give you a flattering and pe- 
culiar mark of his intention, renews to you the rank of field-marshal 
in his armies, which you are to enjoy as soon as the American war 
shall be terminated, at which period you will quit the service of the 
United States to re-enter that of his majesty. In virtue of this decision, 
sir, you may be considered as field-marshal from the date of the signa- 
ture of the capitulation, after the siege of Yorktown, by General Cora- 
wallis, the 19th October, of this year, on account of your fulfilling at 
that time the functions belonging to that rank in the troops of the Uni- 
ted States of America." 

His good friend, and the friend of America, Count de Ver- 
gennes, also congratulated him (Lafayette) on the occasion : 

" We have learned with good pleasure, (said the count,) that not- 
withstanding you have not had the direction in chief of this grand op- 
eration,,[the siege of Yorktown,] yet your prudent conduct and prelim- 
inary measures prepared the way for success. I followed you step by 
step through your whole campaign in Virginia, and should often have 
trembled for you, if I had not been confident in your wisdom. It re- 
quires no common ability and skill to enable a man to sustain himself 
as you have done, and during so long a time, before such a general as 
Lord Cornwallis, who is lauded for his talents in war ; and this, too, 
with a great disproportion in your forces. It was you, who conducted 
him to his fatal destination, where, instead of making you prisoner, as 
he had predicted, he was reduced to the necessity of surrendering him- 
self in that character." 

Previous to Lafayette's departure, General Washington, 
who had been detained by family affairs in Virginia, bade 
him farewell, by letter, in which he gave a detailed opinion, 
for Lafayette's guidance in France, respecting the opera- 
tion of the next campaign. " I owe it (he said) to your 
friendship, and to my affectionate regard for you, my dear 
marquis, not to let you leave this country without carrying 
with you fresh marks of my attachment to you, and new 
expressions of the high sense I entertain of your military 
conduct, and other important services in the course of the 
last campaign, although the latter are too well known to 
need the testimony of my approbation ; and the former, I 
persuade myself you believe, is too well rivited to undergo 
diminution or change. * * * If I should be 
deprived of the pleasure of a personal interview with you 
before your departure, permit me to adopt this method af 

IT* 



198 EIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

making you a tender of my ardent vows for a propitious 
¥oyage, a gracious reception from your prince, an honora- 
ble reward for your services, a happy meeting with your 
lady and friends, and a safe return in the spring, to, my 
dear marquis, your affectionate friend." &c. 

Gnboardof the Alliance, off* Boston, December 21st, La- 
fayette wrote to Gen. Washington, repeating his devotion 
to the affairs of America, acknowledging the kind attention 
he had received in Boston, and concluding as follows : " I 
beg your pardon, my dear general, for giving you so much 
trouble in reading my scrawls ; but we are going to sail, 
and my last adieu, I must dedicate to my beloved general. 
Adieu, my dear general : I know your heart so well, that I 
am sure that no distance can alter your attachment to me. 
With the same candor, I assure you that my love, ray re- 
spect, my gratitude for you, are above expression ; that at 
the moment of leaving you, I feel more than ever the strength 
of those friendly ties that for ever bind me to you, and that 
I anticipate the pleasure, the most wished for pleasure, to 
be again with you, and, by my zeal and services, to gratify 
the feelings of my respect and affection." 

Here, although it was his intention to return as a combat- 
ant, should hostilities continue, honorably and gloriously 
terminated the military services of Lafayette in America. 
To these services, justice has scarcely been done by any 
writer by whom the history of that period has been record- 
ed. Gen. Henry Lee, in his Memoirs of the War in the 
Southern States, passes the following just enconium upon 
the conduct of Lafayette, during the most difficult portion of 
the campaign in Virginia : " In this period of gloom, of 
disorder and peril, Lafayette was collected and undismayed. 
With zeal, with courage, and with sagacity, he discharged 
his arduous duties ; and throughout his difficult retreat, was 
never brought even to array but once in order of battle. 
Invigorating our councils by his precepts ; dispelling our 
despondency by his example, and encouraging his troops to 
submit to their many privations, by the cheerfulness with 
which he participated in their wants ; he imparted the en- 
ergy of his own mind to the country, and infused his high- 
toned spirit into the army." Mr. Madison paid at that 
time his just tribute to Lafayette, in a letter to Edmund 
Pendleton, dated November 18, 1781, " Will . not the as- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 199 

sembly (he wrote) pay some handsome compliment to the 
marquis, for his judicious and zealous services while the 
protection of the country was intrusted to him ? His hav- 
ing baffled, and finally reduced to the defensive, so power- 
ful an army as we now know he had to contend with, and 
with so disproportionate a force, would have done honor to 
the most veteran officer, and added to his other merits and 
services, constitutes a claim on their gratitude, which I hope 
will not be unattended to." 

Indeed, throughout the whole of the Virginia campaign, 
Lafayette exhibited a zeal and patriotism of the highest and 
purest order ; and traits of generalship, combining valor 
and disci'etion, which have not been surpassed by any gen- 
eral of a similar age, under similar circumstances. Let u& 
recall to mind a young man, scarcely twenty-four years of 
age, the commander-in-chief of a skeleton army, by which 
he is known and regarded as a foreigner, in birth, in man- 
ners and in language ! See him, confronting a suffering 
and mutinous soldiery ; reconciling them to their condition ; 
feeding and clothing them at his own expense ; inspiring 
them with a spirit of ardor, and leading them onward, far 
from their homes, to encounter perils and death in a distant 
and sickly climate ! Behold him, baffling the skill and en- 
ergies of the most experienced English generals — advancing 
and retreating, in the face of the enemy ; eluding the vigi- 
lance of his pursuers, and outmanoeuvring and outflanking 
a more numerous and disciplined army. Behold him, turn- 
ing the tide of pursuit, successfully skirmishing, and skilful- 
ly avoiding engagements at unpropitious periods ; and allur- 
ing and compelling his adversary into the very position 
which he desired, as most favorable to his ultimate purpose ! 
Behold him, no longer in chief command, exhibiting the 
same unexampled courage and skill in a subordinate sta- 
tion, carrying at the point of the bayonet a formidable re- 
doubt of the enemy, and essentially contributing to a victo- 
ry, the results of which are more important than those of any 
other that the civilized world has witnessed ! What eulo- 
giums can be bestowed by freemen, upon such a champion 
of their rights and liberties, which are rot fully merited? 
What adequate returns can be rendered for such services, 
hy those who are the recipients of the benefits secured?. 



SOO LIFE OF LAFAYEtTg, 



CHAPTER XX. 

Lafayette received with enthusiasm in France. His continued devo- 
tion to tlie American cause. Letters of Washington. Approbatory 
resolutions of Virginia. Negotiations for peace. Formidable prep- 
arations for a new campaign. The treaty finally signed. Lafayette 
sends the ship Triumph to America, with the first news of peace. 
Deterred from accompanying it, by diplomatic difficulties at Madrid. 
Repairs to that city, and procures the acknowledgment by Spain of 
M. Carmichael. Desire and intention of revisiting America. Invi- 
tation to General Washington. Madame Lafayette unites in it. 
"Washington's letter to Madame Lafayette. Lafayette embarks for, 
and arrives in America. His reception. Meeting with General 
Washington. Return to the north. Liberality to Matthew Gary. 
Ascends the Hudson. Is present at an Indian treaty. Returns to 
the south. Reception by the Legislature of Virginia. Resolution 
and address of Congress. Lafayette's reply. Affectionate farewell 
letter from Gen. Washington. Embarks from New York. Arrives 
safely in France. 

The reception of Lafayette in France was not less enthu- 
siastic than it had been, at his previous return. By the 
people, he was regarded as the disinterested and successful 
champion of liberty ; and by the king and court, as a hero, 
who had sustained abroad the honor of France, and spread 
throughout the new world the glory of her name. Could 
we penetrate the veil of the domestic sanctuary, what joy 
should we see depicted there ? An affectionate wife, who 
for years had resigned a beloved husband to the perils of 
the tented field, and in a distant land — children, who had 
been taught to lisp the name of a father, whom their eyes 
had scarce ever beheld — are restored to the fond embraces 
of that husband and father, under the most honorable au- 
spices, and the most genial influences. The pride of the 
human heart is never more justifiably indulged, than when 
it sympathises with the honorable renown of a beloved ob- 
ject. In a journey which he made, accompanied by Ma- 
dame Lafayette and his children, to his estates in Toiiraine, 
Lafayette was every where greeted by the people and by the 
public authorities, with enthusiastic applause and civic 
honors. The bells were rung and processions formed, to 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 201 

welcome his approach to the towns, and " Long live Lafay- 
ette," resounded from the crowds which assembled to be- 
hold him. 

But these gratifying manifestations by his warm hearted 
countrymen, did not divert the attention of Lafayette from 
the cause of America. He kept himself well advised of the 
state of affairs on the one side of the Atlantic, while he 
was busily employed on the other, in urging forward meas- 
ures for a vigorous co-operation by the French government, 
should another campaign be necessary to secure an honora- 
ble peace. In a letter of January 4th, (1782,) Gen. Wash- 
ington informed him of the intentions of Congress to keep up 
the army, and urged the importance of procuring further 
pecuniary aid, and a naval superiority on the coast, from 
France, for the ensuing campaign. In the same letter he 
said : <' I shall be impatient to hear of your safe arrival 
m France, and to receive such communications as you 
know will be interesting to the cause we espouse, and in 
which we are actors. Though unknown to Madame Lafay- 
ette, I beg you to present me to her as one of her greatest 
admirers." General Washington also enclosed to Lafay- 
ette the resolutions of the Legislature of Virginia, highly ap- 
proving of his conduct during the late campaign in that state; 
and added : " I have a peculiar pleasure of becoming the 
channel through which the just and grateful plaudits of my 
native state are communicated to the man I love." 

But the British government, after the dissolution of the 
North ministry, soon manifested a disposition for peace. 
Secret and separate advances were at first made to the 
x\merican commissioners and to the French government ; 
and it is to their honor, that neither would listen to propo- 
sitions in which both nations were not reciprocally inclu- 
ded. In the spring of 1782, the enemy gave indications of 
an intention to withdraw their forces from the American 
continent, and to concentrate them in the West Indies, for 
a vigorous prosecution of the war against France and Spain 
in that quarter. The instructions of Sir Guy Carleton, 
who superseded Sir Henry Clinton as commander of the 
British army in America, early in May, were conciliatory 
in their character ; and the spirit of them was manifested 
in his intercourse and correspondence with the American 
authorities and people. But it was not until the month of 



202 ' LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

July ihat negotiations for peace were formally commenced 
at Paris, upon a basis which justified and produced a partial 
cessation of hostilities. In the mean time, a powerful ar- 
mament was in preparation by France and Spain, and the 
joint forces were assembled at Cadiz. The Count de Es- 
taing, commander of the land and naval forces, was, in case 
of the continuance of hostilities, to attack Jamaica with sixty 
vessels and twenty- four thousand men ; Lafayette, who had 
conducted eight thousand French troops from Brest to Ca- 
diz, was appointed chief of the staffof the combined armies. 
After operating in the West Indies, the expedition was ulti- 
mately to proceed to New York ; and, if circumstances jus- 
tified, Lafayette was to have conducted an expedition against 
Canada, These formidable preparations quickened the pa- 
cific disposition of the English cabinet ; and the final trea- 
ty of Peace was signed at Paris, on the 20th of January, 
1783. Lafayette was the first to announce this joyful event 
to America ; and for this purpose he despatched the Tri- 
umph, a French armed vessel from Count de Estaing's 
squadron at Cadiz, which arrived at Philadelphia on the 23d 
of March, with the following letter from Lafayette to the 
President of Congress : 

" Cadiz, 5th February, 1783. 
" Sir — Having been at some pains to engage a vessel to go to Phil- 
adelpliia, I now find myself happily relieved by tke kindness of Count 
D'Estaing. He is just now pleased to tell me, that he will dispatch a 
French ship, and, by way of compliment on the occasion, he has made 
choice of the Triumph. So that I am not without hopes of giving 
Congress the first tidings of a general peace : and I am happy in the 
smallest opportunity of doing any thing, that may prove agreeable to 
America. I have the honor to be, &.c. 

" Lafayette." 

Lafayette was desirous of bearing in person, to the shores 
of America, the glad tidings of an event which restored to 
it an honorable peace, established its freedom, and elevated 
it to the rank of an independent nation. He was desirous 
of uniting, with heart and voice, in the first outpourings of 
national joy and gratitude, by a free people, whose toils and 
dangers he had shared, whose battles he had fought, and to 
whose welfare he was so ardently devoted. But, a faithful 
regard to its interests, a determination to sustain its national 
character, as he had done its liberty and independence, in- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 203 

duced him to forego the personal gratification of an imme- 
diate journey to America. We have seen, that on his de- 
parture for France, Lafayette was commissioned by Con- 
gress to confer with and aid the diplomatic agents of the 
United States in their negotiations. The King of Spain, 
from some capricious views, after having signed the treaty 
of peace which acknowledged the independence of the Uni- 
ted States, refused to receive Mr. Carmichael, who had been 
Secretary of Legation at Paris, and was appointed Charge 
d' Affaires at his court, in his diplomatic character. In this 
dilemma, Mr. Carmichael wrote from Madrid to Lafayette, 
who was then at Cadiz, for aid. Lafayette repaired imme- 
diately to Madrid ; had an interview with the king and his 
principal minister, and by his zeal and influence, procured 
in the coui'se of eight days the full recognition of Mr. Car- 
michael as Charge d'Affaires of the United States. 

These new proofs of Lafayette's devotion to the interests 
of his adopted country, were promptly acknowledged by its 
constituted authorities : and, what was far more gratifyino- 
to him than any other testimonial, secured him the follow- 
ing expressions of cordial approbation from Gen. Washing- 
ton, in a letter dated April 5th : 

" It is easier for you to conceive, than for me to express, the sensibil- 
ity of my heart at the communication of your letter of the 5th of Feb- 
ruary from Cadiz. It is to these communications we are indebted for 
the only account yet received of a general pacification. My mind, up- 
on the receipt of this intelligence, was instantly assailed by a thousand 
ideas, all of them contending for pre-eminence ; but, believe me, my 
dear friend, none could supplant, or ever will eradicate that gratitude, 
which has arisen fi-om a lively sense of the conduct of your nation and 
from my obligations to many of its illustrious characters (of whom, I do 
not mean to flatter, when I place you at the head), and from my admi- 
ration of the virtues of your august sovereign, who, at the same time 
that he stands confessed the father of his own people, and defender of 
American rights, has given the most exalted example of moderation in 
treating with his enemies." 

" The armament which was preparing at Cadiz, and in which you 
were to have acted a distinguished part, would have carried such con- 
viction with it, that it is not to be wondered at, that Great Britain 
should have been impressed with the force of such reasoning. To this 
cause, I am persuaded, the peace is to be ascribed. Your going to 
Madrid from thence, instead of coming immediately to this country, is 
another instance, my dear Marquis, of your zeal for the American 
cause, and lays a fresh claim to the gratitude of her sons, who will at 
all times receive vou with open arms." 



204 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Although necessarily occupied, after so long a neglect of 
them, with the arrangement of his private affairs, the soli- 
citations of Washington and others of his American friends, 
inspired Lafayette with the wish, and he cherished the de- 
sign of speedily re-visiting America. The first moments 
of congratulation had passed — the fervor had subsided — 
but Lafayette was nevertheless anxious of communing, upon 
their own free soil, with his friends and companions in 
arms, and of resigning into the hands of Congress the mili- 
tary commission with which he had been intrusted. He 
therefore announced to Gen. Washington and to Congress 
his intention of visiting the United States the ensuing spring. 
In the mean time he employed himself diligently and effi- 
ciently in aiding the commercial arrangements of the Uni- 
ted States with the French government, and other continen- 
tal powers. He also, in the most pressing and afTectionate 
terms, invited Gen. Washington and Lady to visit him in 
France.. Madame Lafayette united in this invitation, by an 
affectionate letter, addressed personally to General Wash- 
ington. From the delightful shades of Mount Vernon, Gen. 
Washington replied, (April 4, 1784,) in a letter, kind and 
complimentary. As a rare specimen of the social feelings 
of this great and good man, a few extracts from this letter 
will be acceptable to those readers for whom the topics of 
war and politics have not an absorbing interest. 

" Great as your claim is, (he wrote) as a French or American wo- 
man, or as the wife of my amiable friend, to my affectionate regards, 
you have others to which the palm must be yielded. The charms of 
your person, and the beauties of your mind, have a more powerful op- 
eration. These, Madam, have endeared you to me, and every thing, 
which partakes of your nature, will have a claim to my affections. 
George and Virginia, the offspring of your love, whose names do honor 
to ray country and to myself, have a double claim, and will be the ob- 
jects of my vows. 

" Freed from the clangor of arms and the bustle of a camp, from the 
cares of public employment and the responsibility of office, I am now 
enjoying domestic ease under the shadow of my own vine and my own 
fig-tree ; and, in a small villa, with the implements of husbandry and 
lambkins around me, I expect to glide gently down the stream of life, 
till I am entombed in the mansion of my fathers. 

" Mrs. Washington is highly honored by your participations, and 
feels very sensibly the force of your polite invitation to Paris ; but, 
she is too far advanced in life, and is too much immersed in the care 
-of her little progeny, to cross the Atlantic. This, my dear Marchio- 
ness (indulge the freedom), is not the case with you. You have 
f outh (and if you should not incline to bring your children, can leave 



LI'FE OF LAFAYETTE. 205 

^em with all the advantages of education,) and must have a curiosity 
to see the country, young, rude, and uncultivated as it is, for the liber- 
ties of which your husband has fought, bled, and acquired much glory, 
where every body admires, every body loves him. Come then, let me 
entreat you, and call my cottage your home ; for your own doors do 
not open to you with more readiness than mine would. You will see 
the plain manner in which we live, and meet with rustic civility ; and 
you shall taste the simplicity of rural life. It will diversify the scene, 
and may give you a higher relish for the gayeties of the court, when 
you return to Versailles. In these wishes, and in most respectful com- 
pliments, Mra. Washington joins rne." 

With tliis kind invitation, however, Madame Lafayette 
could not comply ; and Lafayette was himself the bearer of 
her apology. He embarked at Havre, the first of July, and 
arrived at New York on the 4th of August. It was the first 
time Lafayette had entered the city of New York, the Brit- 
ish having held possession of it during the whole period of 
his military services in America. He had often viewed it, 
however, from the Jersey shore, and had ardently panted for 
an opportunity of wrestiug so fair a possession from the 
hands of the enemy. His reception there was most cordial. 
A public dinner was given him the day after his arrival, at 
which the disbanded officers of the army appeared, once 
more in full uniform. From New York, Lafayette pro- 
ceeded to Philadelpliia, where, by a numerous host of 
friends and the citizens generally, he was most enthusiasti- 
cally welcomed. A committee, consisting of Generals St. 
Clair, Wayne and Irwine, presented to him the congratula- 
tions of his companions in arms and the inhabitants general- 
ly. The legislature of the state, by a committee of one mem- 
ber from each county, presented to him an addresSj, in which 
they said : "The representatives of the freemen of Penn- 
sylvania offer 5^ou their sincere congratulations upon your 
safe arrival at Philadelphia, and welcome you in the name 
oi thfc state. Enjoying the blessings of liberty and peace, 
we contemplate with much satisfaction those distinguished 
persons wlio, disregarding the dangers of the seas, united 
their efforts to our own, to aid in terminating the war. 
Among these illustrious individuals, we rank you the chief; 
your example and your zeal have animated and encouraged 
our own citizens, nor did you leave us until we had attain- 
ed the great object of all our hopes." 

Anxious to behold again his beloved general, Lafayette 

18 



206 LIFE OF LAFATEft]&. 

left Philadelphia on the 14th, and arrived at Mount VernoJS 
on the 17th of August. Washington aad Lafayette were 
once more together. It was a meeting, hallowed by earth 
and heaven. The purest of patriots, the sincerest of friends^ 
the bravest and most successful of military commanders, 
mingled their eoiigratulations upon the successful termina- 
tion of their toils, and the establishment of a nation's free- 
dom. 

After enjoying for fourteen days the hospitalities of Mount 
Vernon, Lafayette returned to the north. While sojourning 
a few days in Philadelphia, he added to the numerous acts 
of private liberality, most of which, amounting in the ag- 
gregate to a large sum, must ever remain among the hidden 
treasures of time, one that has recently been made public* 
Mathew Carey, since well known as an eminent bookseller 
and able writer, persecuted in Ireland for his political opin- 
ions, had just arrived in Philadelphia, poor and nearly pen- 
niless. Lafayette being accidentally informed of the fact, 
invited Mr. Carey to call upon him ; received him with 
kindness j encouraged him in the project he contemplated 
of establishing a newspaper in Philadelphia, and a few days^ 
after aent him as a free gift, the liberal sum of four hundred 
dollars. For this act of sympathy and generosity, Lafay- 
ette never wished or expected to receive payment; but Mr. 
Carey, who became a wealthy, as well as highly respectable 
and useful citizen, subsequently repaid him the full amount. 

From New York Lafayette ascended the Hudson River, 
aiid accompanied the commissioners to negotiate a treaty 
with the Indians at Fort Schuyler. His influence here was 
highly beneficial, as it had ever been in treating with the 
savage tribes. He made to the chiefs many presents ; and 
his name is still remembered among the Indians of the 
west. From thence he passed through the states of Con- 
necticut, Rhode Island, New Hampshire, and Massachu- 
setts, to Boston ; and every where he was greeted by the 
people and by the public authorities, with every proof of 
welcome, affection, and respect, and of gratitude fortheim* 
mense services he had rendered to the country. At BostOHj 
particularly, he was entertained by a numerous body of the 
Society of Cincinnati, comprising many of his companions 
in arms, who had contended for and established with him, 
the Independence of America. From Boston he proceeded 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 207 

by water, in the French frigate Nymphe, to the Chesapeake 
Bay. He landed at Yorktown, and passed over the scenes 
of his late military exploits, to Williamsburg and to Rich- 
mond. Here, on the 17th of November, he met with Gen. 
Washington, who had arrived two days previous. The 
Legislature of Virginia, was then in session. Gen. Wash- 
ington had been congratulated by them on his arrival ; and 
immediately on learning the arrival of Lafayette, the House 
of Delegates adopted the following resolution : 

" The house being inforraed of the arrival, this morning, of the Mar- 
quis de Lafayette in this city, Resolved, nemine ceni^'adicente, that a 
committee of five be appointed, to present to him the affectionate re- 
spects of this house, to signify to him their sensibility to the pleasing 
proof given by this visit to th-e United States, and to this state in par- 
ticular, that the benevolent and honorabk sentiments which originally 
prompted him to embark in the hazardous fortunes of America, still 
render the prosperity of its affairs an object of his attention and regard ; 
and to assure him, that they cannot review the scenes of blood and dan- 
ger through which we have arrived at the blessings of peace, without 
being touched, in the most lively manner, with the recollection, not on- 
ly of the invaluable services for which the United States at large are so 
much indebted to him, of that conspicuous display of cool intrepidity 
and wise conduct, during his command in the campaign of 1781, which, 
by having so essentially served this state in particular, have given him 
so just a title to its particular acknowledgements. That, impressed as 
they thus are with the distinguished lustre of his character, they cannot 
form a wish more suitable, than that the lesson it affords may inspire 
all those whose noble minds may emulate his glory, to pursue it by 
means equally auspicious to the interests of humanity. 

" And a committee was appointed of Mr. Henry, Mr. Madison, Mr. 
Jones, (of King George,) Mr. Mathews, and Mr. Brent." 

To this address, Lafayette made the following polite and 
feeling answer : — - 

" Gentlemen, — With the most respectful thanks to your honorable 
body, permit me to acknowledge, not only the flattering favor they are 
now pleased to confer, but also the constant partiality, and unbounded 
confidence of this state, which in trying times, I have so happily expe- 
rienced. Through the continent, gentlemert, it is most pleasing for me 
Jo join with my friends in mutual congratulations ; and I need not add 
what my sentiments must be in Virginia, where step by step have I so 
keenly felt for her distress, so eagerly enjoyed her recovery. Our armed 
force was obliged to retreat, but your patriotic hearts stood unshaken ; 
and while, either at that period or in our better hours, ray obligations 
to you are numberless, I am happy in this opportunity to observe, that 
the excellent services of your militia were continued with unparalleled 
s-teadintess, Impressed with the necessity of federal union, I was 



208 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE.. 

the more pleased in the command of an arm so peculiarly federal ; a» 
Virginia herself freely bled in defence of her sister states. 

'°In my wishes to this commonwealth, gentlemen, I will persevere 
with the same zeal, that once and for ever has devoted me to her. May 
her fertile soil rapidly increase her wealth — may all the waters which 
so Inxuriently flow within her limits, be happy channels of the most ex- 
{lensive trade — and may she in her wisdom and the enjoyment of pros- 
perity, continue to give the world unquestionable proofs of her philan- 
thxopy and her regard for thiS liberties of all mankind.. 

" Lafatette." 

From Richmond, Lafayette returned with Gen. Wash- 
ington to Mount Vernon, where he remained about a week. 
From thence, Washington accompanied him to Annapolis, 
whera public honors were conferred upon him by the Leg. 
islature of Maryland, and he and his heirs mail were de- 
clared citizens of the state ; the same privileges of citizen- 
ship were granted in Virginia, and in several other states 
of the Union. Here the two hero-friends parted, on the 
30th of November, never to meet again thisside of the grave. 
Lafayette proceeded to Trenton, where Congress was then 
in session. A committee, consisting of one member from 
each state, was appointed by that body, to receive, and to 
take leave of, Lafeyette, in the name of Congress. The 
committee was intrusted to assure him, that Congress con- 
tinued to entertain the sara« high- sense of his abilities and 
zeal to promote the welfare of America, both here and in Eu- 
rope, which they had frequently expressed and manifested on 
former occasions, and which the recent marks of his atten- 
tion to their commercial and other interests had perfectly 
confirmed : " That, as his uniform and unceasing attachment 
to this country has resembled that of a patriotic citizen, the 
United States regard him with particular affection, and will 
not cease to feel an interest in whatever may concern his 
honor and prosperity, and their best and kindest wishes will 
always attend him." It was further resolved, " that a let- 
ter be written to his most Christian Majesty, to be signed 
by the President of Congress, expressive of the high sense 
which the United States, in Congress assembled, entertain 
of the zeal, talents, and meritorious services of the Marquis 
de Lafayette, and recommending him to the favor and pat-, 
ronage of his majesty." 

The next day, (December 10th,) the purport of these res- 
olutions was communicated to Lafayette, in the Hall of 



ZTPE of LAFAYETTE. 

Congress, with an appropriate address, by John Jay, Chair- 
man of the Committee. The reply of Lafa3''ette, fervid and 
eloquent, breathing a spirit of devotion to the best interests 
of America, concluded as follows : " May this immense 
temple of freedom ever stand as a lesson to oppressors, a^ 
example to the oppressed, a sanctuary for the rights of man- 
kind ! and may these happy United States attain that com- 
plete splendor and prosperity which will illustrate the bless- 
ings of their government, and for ages to come rejoice the 
departed souls of their founders ! Never can Congress 
oblige me so much as when they put it in my power, in ev- 
lery part of the world, to the latest day of my life, to gratify 
the attachment which will ever rank me among the most 
zealous and respectful servants of the United States." 

About the time that he thus took ^ solemn leave of Con- 
gress, Lafayette received the following affectionute and 
deeply impressive farewell letter from Gen. Washington : 

" M9unt Vernon, Decemler 8, 1784. 

*' My dear Marquis — The peregrination of the day in which I part* 
ed from you ended at Marlborough. The next day, bad as it was, I 
got home before dinner. 

" In the moment of our separation, upon the road as I travelled, and 
«very hour since, I have felt all that love, respect and atta-chntent fot 
you, with which length of years, close connexion, and your merits have 
inspired me. I often asked myself, as our carriages separated, whether 
that was the last sight I should ever have of you ? And though I wish- 
ed to say No, my fears answered Yes. I called to mind the days of 
my youth, and found they had long since fled to return no more ; that 
I was now descending the hill I had been fifty years climbing, and that, 
though I was blest with a good constitution, I was of a short-lived fam- 
ily, and might soon expect to be entombed in the mansion of my fathers. 
These thoughts darkened the shades, and gave a gloom to the picture, 
and consequently to my prospect of seeing you again. But I will not 
repine ; I have had my day. * ****** 

'< It is unnecessary, I persuade myself, to repeat to you, my dear 
Marquis, the sincerity of ray regards and friendship ; nor have I words 
which could express my affection for you, were I to attempt it. My 
fervant prayers are offered for your sate and pleasant passage, happy 
meeting with Madame de Lafayette and family, and the completion of 
every wish of your heart ; in all which Mrs. Washington joins me ; as 
she does in compliments to Captain Graudecheau, and the Chevalier, 
of whom little Washington often speaks. With every sentiment which 
is propitious and endearing, I am, &c." 

With these honors and benedictions, and reciprocating 
in his heart every act and expression of kindness which had 

18* 



210 LIFE OF LAFAV^TTE. 

been bestowed upon him, Lafayette for the third time took 
leave of America. He embarked at New York, amidst a 
primitive national salute of thirteen guns, on board the 
Nymphe frigate, Dec. 25th, and arrived safely in Paris, on 
the 25th of January^ 1785. 



CHAPTER XXL 

Lafayette's official connexion with America terminates. He enters up- 
on another field of action. Continues to serve America. Visits the 
courts of Germany. Reception by the Emperor Joseph and Frede- 
rick the Great. His liberal principles confirmed. Plans for eman- 
cipating the blacks from slavery. Purchases an estate at Cayenne 
for that purpose. His views approved by Gen. Washington. Their 
nature and extent. For gradual, not sudden, emancipation. Favors 
the French Protestants. The bust of Lafayette, presented by the 
State of Virginia, through Mr. Jefferson, to the municipality of Paris. 
Is placed, with imposing ceremonies, in the Hotel de Ville. 

Here closed the official connexion of Lafayette with 
America. We are now to trace his progress upon another 
— a more broad, and not less interesting and important, field 
of action.. But although laboring as a Frenchman, to es- 
tablish free institutions, and the rational liberties of the peo- 
ple in France, Lafayette was not the less devoted to the in- 
terests of the young republic of the west, to the foundation 
of which he had so essentially contributed. After his return 
from thfr United States, he immediately exerted his influence 
to establTsh the commercial intercourse of the two countries 
upon reciprocal principles. He endeavored especially to 
secure for the Americans a favorable market in France for 
what were at that time important items of their commerce^ 
namely, whale oil, the production of the eastern fisheries, 
and tobacco, the growth of the southern states. These ser- 
vices were acknowledged warmly and promptly, by Gen. 
Washington. In a letter to Lafayette, September, 1, 1785, 
he said : " Your constant attention, and unwearied endeav- 
ors to serve the interests of the United States, cannot fail to 
keep alive in them a grateful sensibility, and the affection- 
ate regard of all their citizens for you," 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 211 

During the year 1785, Lafayette visited the courts of 
Austria and Prussia, and other German states, with the 
principal object of inspecting the armies which were then 
assembling in that portion of Europe. His well known re- 
publican principles did not prevent his being received, at all 
the courts which he visited, with the greatest cordiality 
and distinction, particularly by the Emperor Joseph II, of 
Austria, and Frederick the Great, of Prussia He arrived 
at Potsdam, in September, just as the last grand review of 
this distinguished monarch had commenced. Here were 
assembled 50,000 men, from every part of the kingdom, who 
for three successive days, in presence of a brilliant assem- 
blage of princes, noblemen, and distinguished military com* 
manders, went through the evolutions of battles, sieges and 
storms, under the immediate command of the king himself. 
No sooner was the arrival of Lafayette made known to 
Frederick, than he despatcted an aid-de-camp to invite him 
to his palace. He treated Lafayette with great distinction 
and kindness, both in public and private ; complimented 
him upon his services in America, and expressed admiration 
of Gen. Washington. When about to part, Frederick took 
from a box his miniature, set with diamonds, and presenting 
it to Lafayette, expressed the hope, that although they 
might never meet again, that small mement® might some- 
times recall him to recollection. 

These distinctions, paid to Lafayette by the first mon- 
archs of Europe, were not more honorable to him than to 
them. They exhibited alike their discernment in recognis- 
ing, and their liberality in respecting, the merits of their 
guest. Lafayette gave a description of this tour, in letters 
to Gen. Washington and to Mr. Jay. But, gratifying as 
were the incidents of his journey, and grateful as he felt for 
the hospitalities he received, the splendid honors, and dis- 
plays of royalty had no tendency to lessen the ardor of his 
liberal principles. He returned to France, fully confirmed 
in them, and with a determination to practise upon them, 
on all accasions, public and private. 

While serving in America, Lafayette had conceived a 
plan for the gradual emancipation of the blacks from slave- 
ry. Many of the American patriots, among whom were 
Washington, Jefferson, Madison, Patrick Henry, Laurens, 
&c., coincided with the views of Lafayette, and believed 



^15 • LIPE OF LAFAYETtE. 

the object to be then practicable. Simultaneously with the 
account of the conclusion of peace. Lafayette had commu-^ 
nicated to Gen. Washington a proposition for the accom- 
plishment of this object. We have not been able to meet 
with it ; but it is thus acknowledged by Gen. Washington, 
in his letter to Lafayette of 5th April, 1783 : " The scheme, 
my dear marquis, which you propose as a precedent to en- 
courage the emancipation of the blacks in this country from 
that state of bondage, in which they are held, is a striking 
evidence of the benevolence of your heart. I shall be hap- 
py to join you in so laudable a work ; but will defer going 
into a detail of the business, until I have the pleasure of 
seeing you." 

Lafayette embraced the first opportunity of testing the 
practicability of his views upon the subject of negro eman- 
cipation ; and, unlike most reformers, commenced his ex- 
periment at home, and at his own expense. With the con- 
currence of Marshal de Castries, the Minister of Marines, 
he purchased an estate in the French colony of Cayenne, 
with a large number of slaves, and commenced, under the 
superintendence of a competent instructor, a system of dis- 
cipline and education, which was to be followed by theif 
gradual emancipation. To this object Lafayette devoted a 
large sum of money, and with the co-operation of several 
eminent patriots and pliilosophers, persevered in his plan, 
until the French revolution involved every thing in chaos. 
In 1692, when Lafayette wa.s proscribed by the TerroristB. 
the National Convention confiscated all his property, and 
ordered his negroes at Cayenne to be sold, in spite of the 
remonstrances of Madame Lafayette, who protested against 
the sale, on the ground that the negroes had been purchased 
by Lafayette with the sole object of setting them at liberty 
after their instruction. Lafayette himself felt much anxie- 
ty on this subject. In an interesting letter to the Princess 
d'Henen, from the prison of Magdeburg, he said : " I know 
not what disposition has been made of my plantation at 
Cayenne, but 1 hope that Madame Lafayette will take care 
that the negroes, who cultivate it, shall preserve their lib- 
erty." 

It may be interesting to the reader to know, that this 
experiment of Lafayette had also the approbation of Gen. 
Washington, In a letter oi May 10, 1786, he said : " The 



LirE OF LAFAYETTE. " 213 

benevolence of your heart, my dear marquis, is so conspicu- 
ous upon all occasions, that I never wonder at any fresh 
proofs of it ; but your late purchase of an estate in the col- 
ony of Cayenne, with a view of emancipating the slaves on 
it, is a generous and noble proof of your humanity. Would 
to God a like spirit might diffuse itself generally into the 
minds of the people of this country. Bui I despair of see- 
ing it. Some petitions were presented to the Assemby, at 
its last session, for the abolition of slavery, but they could 
scarcely obtain a reading. To set the slaves afloat at once 
would, I really believe, be productive of much inconven- 
ience and mischief; but by degrees it certainly might, and 
assuredly ought to be effected ; and that too by legislative 
authority. 

Such, were, substantially, the views of Lafayette himself. 
He would not restore the negroes at once to liberty, any 
more than he would restore a blind man suddenly to the 
full blaze of the meridian sun. He was for emancipating 
the slaves by degrees, in proportion as their moral and in- 
tellectual education rendered them capable of appreciating 
and properly enjoying freedom. Believing the plan prac- 
ticable, although surrounded with many difficulties, he con- 
sidered it the duty of the friends of liberty every where, to 
persevere in endeavoring to effect its accomplishment. 
Circum.stances may have changed. The difficulties attend- 
ing such anexperiment in this country may have increased. 
But although some may now dissent from the propriety or 
practicability of Lafayette's views, none will deny the pur- 
ity of his principles or the philanthropy of his motives. 

Lafayette, at the same time, took an active interest in 
favor of the French Protestants. He was ever the friend of 
religious toleration. 

The same year (1786) Lafayette received a new token 
of gratitude from the people of Virginia, for the services he 
had rendered that state, no less honorable to them than 
complimentary to him. The legislature of Virginia direct- 
ed two busts of Lafayette to be executed at their expense, 
by the celebrated sculptor Houdon, one of them to be placed 
in the Legislative Hall of that state, and the other to be 
presented in their name to the municipal authorities of Pari^. 
The proffer was made to the municipality by Mr. Jefferson^ 



214 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

then minister plenipotentiary of the United States to France, 
in the fullowina; words : — 

'• The Legislature of the state of Virginia, in consideration of the ser- 
vices of Major General the Marquis de Lafayette, has resolved to place 
his bust in their capitol. This intention of erecting a monument to his 
virtues, and to the sentiments with which he has inspired them, in the 
country to which they are indebted for his birth, has induced a hope 
that the city of Paris would consent to become the depository of a sec- 
ond proof of their gratitude. Charged by the state with the execution 
of this resolution, I have the honor to solieit the Prevot des Marehands 
and Municipality of Paris to accept the bust of this brave officer, and 
give it a situation where it may continually awaken the admiration, and 
witness the respect, of the allies of France. — Dated llth September, 
1786." 

This honorable memento was accepted by the municipal- 
ity, with the sanction of the king. Its reception was attend- 
ed with ceremonies, public and imposing, at which a large 
concourse of people were present. The king's attorney de- 
livered on the occasion an address, in which he recounted 
the services of Lafayette in America, and the high estima- 
tion in which he was held in both countries. The bust was 
then placed in one of the public halls, that of the celebrated 
Hotel de Ville, of the city of Paris. In that hall, which 
soon became the theatre of so many important events, it 
served to enkindle the flame of Liberty, and fell, when that 
light was extinguished, an unconscious victim to the wrath 
of anarchy. The reception of this bust, and the public cer- 
emonials which attended it, had no small influence in quick- 
ening the political events which followed ; and constitute, 
at least in the life of Lafayette, the connecting link between 
the American and French revolutionso 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 215 



CHAPTER XXII. 

The French Revolution. Its causes. Preliminary events. Louis XVl, 
Maurepas. Assembly of Notables. Lafayette a member of it. His 
propositions for reform. The States General convened. Its charac- 
ter. Lafayette a deputy. Dissensions of the orders. The commons 
constitute themselves the National Assembly. The king sides with 
the privileged orders. Doorsof the Assembly closed. The members 
repair to the Tennis Court. Take an oath. Last "bed of justice." 
Speech of Mirabeau. Lafayette with forty liberal nobles, joins the 
commons. The three orders unite. Lafayette proposes a Declara- 
tion of Rights. First insurrection in Paris. Lafayette Vice Presi- 
dent of the Assembly; Destruction of the Bastile. Deputation to 
the Hotel de Ville. Bailly chosen Mayor of Paris. Lafayette com- 
mander of the civic guards. Receives the king in Paris. Organizes 
the National Guards. Institutes the tri-colored cockade. His char- 
acter and influence at this period. Endeavors to preserve tranquility. 
Indignant at popular excesses. Threatens to resign. Persuaded to 
continue in command. Refuses compensation for his services. Feu- 
dal privileges abolished. Declaration of rights adopted. 

The causes and events of the French revolution, have 
been traced by many and able pens. The subject is unex- 
hausted. We shall touch upon it as briefly as pos.sible, in- 
separably connected as it is with the distinguished individ- 
ual whose life we are recording;. Thouo;h a Ions series of 
usurpations in France, the power of the king had become 
absolute. It was unrestrained and undefined by a written 
constitution or definite laws. The judicial and legislative 
bodies, exercised their functions by the will or sufferance of 
the monarch. The crown disposed of persons by leltres-de- 
cachet, or warrants of imprisonment, by which the great 
prison of the Bastile, and other places of confinement, were 
from time to time filled with the victims of intolerance, 
avarice and revenge. It disposed of property by confisca- 
tion, and of income by arbitrary taxation. The Parliament 
of Paris, it is true, had the nominal privilege of consenting 
to or refusing an impost ; but the king, by what was termed 
<' a bed of justice," a convocation in which he appeared in 
person and made known his will, under the established mix- 



216 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE^ 

im, that in the presence of the king all other authorities 
were suspended, enforced a registration of the decree, and 
punished the refractory members by imprisonment or exile. 

" France, thus enslaved, (says Mignet) was also most 
wretchedly organized : the excesses of power were less in- 
supportable than their unequal distribution. Divided into 
three orders, which were again subdivided into several 
classesj the nation was abandoned to all the evils of despot- 
ism, and all the miseries of inequality. The nol)les were 
divided into courtiers who lived on the favors of the prince ; 
or in other words, on the labors of the people ; and who 
obtained either the government of the provinces, or high 
stations in the arm}^ — upstarts, who directed the adminis- 
tration, and were appointed to lieutenancies, and farmed 
the provinces ; lawyers, who administered justice and mo- 
nopolized its appointments ; and territorial barons, who op. 
pressed the country by the exercise of their private feudal 
privileges, which had displaced the general political rights. 
The clergy were divided into two classes, of which one was 
destined for the bishoprics and abbacies, and their rich rev- 
enues ; the other to apostolic labors and to poverty. The 
commons, borne down by the court, and harassed by the 
nobles, were themselves separated into corporations, which 
retaliated upon each other the evils and the oppressions which 
they received from their superiors. They possessed scarce- 
ly a third part of the soil, upon which they were compelled 
to pay feudal services to their lords, tithes to the priests, and 
•imposts to the king. In compensations for so many sacrifi- 
ces, they enjoyed no rights, had no share in the administra- 
tion, and were admitted to no public employments." 

The profligacy and extravagance of the reigns of Louis 
XIV and XV, had awakened a portion of the French people 
to the sense of their condition. Men of genius and influ- 
ence had discussed the subject of public affairs and the 
theory of governments with freedom. When Louis XVI, 
therefore, succeeded to the throne, (1774,) public opinion, 
the most powerful of all sovereigns, had begun to assert its 
•empire. He found the nation discontented, and the pecuni- 
ary resources of the crown exhausted. Louis XVI was by 
no means a natural tyrant. He regarded the interests of 
'his subjects, and would willingly have restored them to ma- 
ny of their rights. But he clung to the prerogatives of the 



LIFE OF LAFAYETffi. 317 

brown, and vacillated between the love of power and the 
sense of justice. He might with truth have exclaimed : 

" I know the right, and I approve it too ; 
I know the wrong, and yet the wrong pursue." 

fte was, indeed, incapable of directing himself. His first 
prime ministerj Maurepas, an experienced but selfish man, 
had, by the selection of ministers from the popular party, en- 
couraged at least the hope of reform. After his death, the 
queen succeeded him in the favor of the king, and exercised 
over that weak but amiable monarch, a controlling, and, in 
the sequel, a fatal influence. Marie Antoinette, young, beau- 
tiful, and ambitious, attached to the pleasures and prerocra- 
tives of the court, assumed almost the entire direction of af- 
fairs. Ministers were appointed in accordance with her 
Views ; measures of reform were abandoned ; profligacy 
and licentiousness were restored, and the revolution dates 
from this period. It was doubtless accelerated by the ex- 
ample of the American revolution, and the spirit of freedom 
which Lafayette, Rochambeau,Ghastellux, the Lameths, and 
other brave Frenchmen who had served with him in the Uni- 
ted States, cherished and diffused on their return to France. 

The embarrassed state of the finances called for immedi- 
ate action. All had been " wrung from the hard hand of 
industry" that it was capable of yielding. It was necessa- 
ry to appeal, by force or persuasion, to the privileged orders. 
The day for forcible exactions had gone by. In this emer- 
gency, the minister of finance, Colonne, proposed to con- 
vene an assembly, which was called the Assembly of the 
Notables. It was composed of distinguished members of 
the nobility, clergy and magistracy, with some of the most 
'celebrated scientific men and gentry — being, in short, as its 
name imported, a representation of the aristocratic inter- 
ests, to the exclusion of those of the people. They were 
appointed by the king. 

Lafayette was a member of this assembly. It convened 
in February, 1787. It was by no means as tractable as the 
minister, Colonne, had anticipated ; and united with the 
public opinion, in requiring and accomplishing his removal. 
The Assembly consisted of one hundred and thirty-seven 
members, and was divided, for the purpose of deliberation, 
into seven sections or bureaux, over each of which presided 

19 



219 LIJ'B OF LAFAYETTE. 

a prince of the blood royal. Lafayette was allotted to tfi^ 
division over which Count d'Artois, the younger brother of 
the king, and since Charles the Tenth, presided. Lafayette 
took at once a firm stand in favor of such reforms as were 
demanded by the rights and interests of the people. He 
proposed, 1. The suppression oUettres-de-cachet and all ar- 
bitrary imprisonment. 2. The establishment of religious 
toleration, and the restoration of the Protestants to their civ- 
il rights. 3. The convocation of a national assembly, rep- 
resenting the people of France. 

The Count d'Artois, president of the committee, was 
startled at this latter demand. " What !" said he, " do yoti 
make a motion for the States- General ?" "Yes/' replied 
Lafayette, " and for something more and better." « Then," 
said the prince, " you desire that I should take in writing, 
and report to the king, that the motion to convoke the States- 
General has been made by the Marquis de Lafayette ?" '*I 
do," replied Lafayette, and the motion was reported to the 
king accordingly. 

The Assembly of Notables granted little for the relief of 
the government from its financial embarrassments. After 
approving the establishment of the provincial assemblies, a 
regulation in the corn trade, the suppression of corvees or 
feudal services, and a new tax on stamps, it dissolved itself 
into its original elements. An impulse was given by this 
assemblage to the assertion of the representative rights of 
the people. After a severe struggle with the parliament, to 
compel its registration of financial edicts ; its exile, the im- 
prisonment of some of its members, and popular commotions 
in the provinces, the king was at length compelled by pub- 
lic opinion, on the 8th of August, 1788, to convoke an as- 
semblage of the States- General for the fifth of May, 1789. 
The States-General was an extraordinary body, which 
had no regular existence. It was a creation of the royal 
prerogative, and fiad been convened on occasions of press- 
ing necessity, asthe instrumentofthe royal will in procuring 
subsidies. It was composed of the thre»- ordt-rs of the nation, 
the clergy, the nobles, and the tiers etat (third estate or com- 
mon people) ; in such numbers and proportions asthe king, 
an such of his councils as he chose to consult, should de- 
terminn. On this occasion, the States-General were des- 
tined to be something more than the mere organs or echoes 



LIFE OF LAAYETTEP. 219 

oi the royal will. Th« friends of arbitrary power were de- 
sirous that the assemblage should be constituted and con- 
ducted as it had been in 1614, when it was last convened, 
and when the third estate or commons, were little more in 
numbers and in power, than a cipher. The friends of free- 
dom contended for such an organization as should recognize 
the rights of the people, and that the representatives chosen 
by the tiers etat, or commons, should equal in numbers those 
of the privileged orders, the nobles and clergy, united. 
**The tiers etat comprehended the great body of the nation, 
all the useful, industrious, enlightened classes. Although 
it owned but a small portion of the land, it wrought the 
whole ; and was therefore, it was contended, in reason and 
justice, entitled to a number of deputies equal to that of the 
two other orders." 

Tiie kii3g and <3ourt shrunk from the responsibility of de- 
ciding this question, according to their convictions of right. 
A new Assembly of Notables was convened. In this assem- 
bly, Lafayette advocated the double, or rather equal, repre- 
sentation of the people ; but the Notables, after a stormy 
session, decided against it. M. Necker, who had been re- 
stored to the station of minister of the finances, (premier, 
or first minister,) is supposed, under these circumstances, to 
have influenced that decision, which ought promptly to have 
been made in the first place. " The court, then, (states M. 
Theirs) taking, as it is said, into consideration the opinion 
of the minority, the sentiments expressed by several prin- 
ces of the blood, the wishes of the three orders of Dauphine, 
the demand of the provincial assemblies, the example of 
several countries of the kingdom, the opinion of various 
public writers, and the recommendations contained in a 
great number of addresses — the court ordained that the total 
number of deputies should be at least a thousand ; that it 
should be formed in a ratio composed of the population, and 
the amount of taxes paid by each haillage, or district, and 
that the number of the deputies of the tiers etat should be 
equal to that of the other two orders united." 

This concession gained, was an important step in the 
progress of revolution. It was followed promptly, on the 
meeting of the States-General. Each order convened in a 
separate department, the tiers etat, as the most numerous, 
occupying the Hall of the States. A preliminary ques- 



220 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

tion, was, however, raised, which indicated, and finally led 
to the merging of the three orders. The popular deputies 
insisted, that the nobles and clergy should meet them in 
their hall, for the purpose of examining and verifying the 
credentials. They justly contended, that although the or- 
ders should afterwards deliberate separately, as they had 
assembled as the representatives of the nation for common 
objects, each order, and each member had a right to exam- 
ine the powers of the others, and therefore the verification 
should be in common. The privileged deputies, on the 
other hand, contended, that the orders having a distinct ex- 
istence, the verification should be separate and distinct. 
They could not bear the thought, that the representatives 
of the common people should even for a moment " come be- 
tween the wind and their nobility." Their pertinacity in 
thus adhering to a non-essential point, hastened the final 
overthrow of their pretended privileges. 

Lafayette, as a deputy of the order of nobles, advocated 
the verification in common. From the 5th to the 27th of 
May, a majority of the two privileged orders obstinately 
resisted all appeals. The deputies of the commons, act- 
ing with firmness and discretion, after sending a last invita-. 
tion to the clergy, a large proportion of whom were disposed 
to meet them, and after a vain effort of the king to bring 
about a compromise, resolved to proceed to a verification 
and to business, whether the deputies of the other orders were 
present or absent. 

This energetic measure was soon followed by one of a 
still more decisive character. The commons, on the 17th 
of June, constituted themselves a legislative body, under the 
title of the National Asseiiibly. They expressed hopes, and 
renewed the invitatjon, that the absent deputies would join 
them, not merely for a verification of their powers, but, "to 
share with them," they said, " the series of important la- 
bors which were to accomplish the regeneration of France." 
The clergy, by a vote of 149 to 115, resolved to join the 
commons. 

The court and the privileged orders were alarmed at 
these energetic measures. The king, influenced by their 
entreaties to counteracting efforts, contrary to the advice 
of Necker, determined to meet the new assembly in- royal 
sitting oti the 22d of June. On repairing to the hall o/ the 



Lii?E OF LAFAYETTE. 221 

States, on the morning of the 20th, the deputies found the 
doors closed, and surrounded by armed soldiery, by whom 
they were refused admittance. An order of the king, ad* 
iourned the sitting to the 22d. Bailly, the faithful Presi- 
dent of the Assembly, conceiving it his duty to obey that 
body, repaired with the deputies to the Tennis Court. 
There, amidst dark and bare walls, without seats, the Pres- 
ident and members standing, surrounded by the populace, 
the Assembly resumed its deliberations. Amidst the cries 
of Vive V Asseniblee ! Vive le Roy ! from within and with- 
out the building, the following oath was adopted, and sign- 
ed by all except one of the deputies : " You take a solemn 
oath, never to separate, and assemble whenever circumstan- 
ces shall require, till the constitution of the kingdom is es- 
tablished and founded on a solid basis." 

This fearless and patriotic course of the Assembly, with 
the strong indications of popular feeling, were additional 
sources of irritation and alarm to the nobles. They re- 
paired next day in a body to the king, again to solicit his 
interposition. But the power of prerogative was already 
paralyzed ! Lafayette, with a noble minority of forty-seven 
members, composed of some of the most distinguished men 
of that period, opposed these humiliating proceedings. They 
were for yielding promptly, to the just requisitions of pop- 
ular rights and the public opinion. "But their warnings 
were unheeded. Intrigue and dissimulation, not unmixed 
with fear, controlled the proceedings of the king and court. 
The royal sitting was postponed to the 23d. In the mean 
time efforts were made to prevent the meeting of the As- 
sembly on the 22d, The Tennis Court was hired by the 
princes, under the pretext of playing on that day. The 
Assembly repaired to a church, where, amidst manitesta- 
tions of popular enthusiasm, they were joined by a majority 
of the clerical deputies. 

The next day, the hall of the States, surrounded by a nu- 
merous guard, was opened to the deputies, but closed to the 
populace. The deputies of the commons, of the rightful 
Assembly, were kept, however, some time in waiting, before 
they could gain admittance. When they entered, they 
iound their seats occupied by the privileged orders. The 
king appeared, to spread for the last time the " bed of 
iustice," surrounded by all the parade of power. He was 
^ 19* 



223 IIFE OP LAFAYEffE, 

received by the deputies with profound silence. He cofl- 
demned the proceedings of the Assembly, which he recog- 
nized only as the order of the commons ; enjoined the sep. 
aration into orders, the maintenance of feudal rights^ inter- 
posed the royal power to the popular will, and concluded 
his address by ordering the Assembly to separate immedi- 
ately. The King withdrew, followed by the nobles and a 
portion of the clergy. The deputies of the people kept 
their seats. Silence was at length broken by Mirabeau, 
the master-spirit of the popular assemblies. " Gentlemen, 
(he said,) 1 admit that what you have heard might be for 
the good of the country, were not the presence of despotism 
always dangerous. What means this insulting dictation? 
the display of arms, the violation of the national temple, in 
order to command you to be happy 1 Who is it that utters 
this command ? he who acts by your commission ! Who 
gives you imperious laws ? he who acts by your commis- 
sion ! — he who ought to receive them from you, from us, 
gentlemen, who are invested with a political and inviolable 
priesthood ; from us, from whom twenty-five millions of 
people expect certain happiness, because it ought to be con- 
sented to, given and received by all. But the freedom of 
your deliberations is chained down ; a military force envi- 
rons the Assembly ! Where are the enemies of the nation? 
Is Catiline at our gates ? I demand that, clothing your- 
selves in your dignity and your legislative authority, you 
remain firm in the sacredness of your oath ; it does not 
permit us to separate till we have framed the constitution ► 
The grand master of the ceremonies, (says Mignet,) seeing 
that the Assembly did not separate, was about to remind it 
of the order of the king. " Go," exclaimed Mirabeau, " tell 
your master that we are here by the order of the people, 
and that we shall depart only at the point of the bayonet.*^ 
" You are to-day," added Sieyes, with calmness, " what 
you were yesterday ; let us deliberate !" and the Assembly, 
full of resolution and majesty, proceeded to itsdeliberations. 
Upon the motion of Camus, it persisted in al) its decrees : 
and upon that of Mirabeau, it decreed the inviolability of 
its members. 

At the next sitting, the majority of the clerical deputies 
resumed their seats. Lafayette, with the forty. seven libe- 
ral nobles, after endeavoring in vain to induce their obsti- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 223 

nate associates to yield, also joined with the commons. 
Strong indications of the popular will, from the provinces 
and in Paris, however, soon induced the remainder of the 
nobles and clergy to yield, and on the 27th of June, the 
three orders had become united in one general Assembly, 
representing the whole nation. 

^But, through the influence of rash advisers, the king pre- 
pared to control the Assembly, or to subdue it and the peo- 
ple by force. While the Assembly pursued its deliberations, 
troops were arraying in great numbei's. Versailles pre- 
sented the appearance of a camp; the hall of the States 
was surrounded by guards, and entrance prohibited to the 
citizens. Mercenary troops, and trains of artillery from 
abroad, were posted around Paris. These hostile prepara- 
tions agitated the people, and disturbances were already 
commenced. The Assembly, on the motion of Mirabeau, 
seconded by Lafayette, adopted an address to the king, re- 
quiring the withdrawal of the troops, but without effect. On 
the 11th of July, the Assembly still surrounded and me- 
naced by the troops, Lafayette proposed the following dec 
laration of rights : 

"Nature has made men free and equal. The distinc- 
tions necessary for social order, are only founded on gen- 
eral utility. 

"Every man is born with rights inalienable and inpre- 
scriptible ; such are the liberty of his opinions, the care of 
his honor and his life, the right of property, the uncontrolled 
disposal of his person, his industry, and all his faculties ; 
the communication of all his thoughts by all possible means; 
the pursuit of happiness and the resistance of appression. 

" The exercise of natural rights has no limits, but such 
as will ensure their enjoyment to other members of society* 

" No man can be subject to any laws, excepting those 
which have received the assent of himself or his representa- 
tives, and which are promulgated beforehand and applied 
legally. . . , 

" The principle of all sovereignty resides m the nation. 
Nobody, no individual can possess authority, which does 
not expressly emanate from it. 

" Government has for its sole object, the general welfare. 
This interest requires that the legislative, executive and ju- 
dicial powers, should be distinct and defined, and that their 



224 LIFE OF LAFAYETTi:, 

organization should secure the free representation of the 
citizens, the responsibility of the agents, and the impartiali- 
ty of the judges. 

•' The laws ought to be clear, precise and uniform for all 
citizens. 

" The subsidies ought to be freely consented to, and fair- 
ly imposed, 

" And as the introduction of abuses and the right of suc- 
ceeding generations make the revision of every human es- 
tablishmient necessary, it must be allowed to the nation to 
have, in certain cases, an extraordinary convocation of dep- 
uties, v/hose sole object should be the examination and cor- 
rection, if necessary, of the vices of the constitution." 

This comprehensive declaration of the rights of man, the 
first that was ever published in Europe, was the founda» 
tion of that afterwards adopted by the constituent assembly. 
Jt was seconded by Lally Tolendal, with the remark, that 
*' Ail the principles contained therein are the sacred ema- 
nations of truth ; all the sentiments are noble and sublime. 
The author of the motion now displays as much eloquence 
in speaking of liberty, as he has already shown courage to 
defend it.'' 

In pursuance of the hostile policy of the court, M. Necker, 
the popular minister, was dismissed by the king, with orders 
immediately to leave the kingdom in secret. As soon as 
his dismissal was known, the people of Paris, already highly 
excited, broke- out into actual and fearful insurrection. 
After another unsuccessful effort to induce the king to 
withdraw the troops, and to adopt other measures for the 
public tranquility, the Assembly passed several energetic 
decrees, among which was one, on the motion of Lafayette, 
declaring the responsibility of the kino's ministers and ad- 
visers, of whatever rank or state ; and, fearing they might 
be again excluded by an armed force from their hall, the 
Assembly declared their session permanent. Lafayette 
was chosen Vice-President, and held the sitting during the 
nigh^. 

For two days and nights, (July 13th and 14th,) during 
the progress of insurrection at Paris, and the threatened 
attack by the mercenary troops of the court, Lafayette and 
his patriotic associates of the Assembly, amidst conflicting 
rumors and anxious forebodings, firmly continued their 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. * 225 

session, deliberating upon the proposed constitution. News 
at length came, that the people were victorious. The Bas- 
tile, that gloomy and infamous prison-house, that ancient 
fortress, hitherto deemed impregnable, had fallen before 
them. De Launey, commandant of the Bastile, was be^ 
headed. Flesselles, the provost (corresponding to the office 
of mayor) of Paris, who had deceived the people, also fell a 
victim to their fury. The eyes of the king, hitherto blinded 
by the misrepresentations of his counsellors, were opened to 
the true state of public feeling, and to his own danger. 
Qn the morning of the 15th, the Assembly were about to 
send a fifth deputation to the king, when he made his ap- 
pearance, without an escort, accompanied only by his two 
brothers. He spoke kindly, recognising the Assembly for 
the first time, as the National Assembly. He declared him- 
self one of the nation, and that, relying upon the affection 
and fidelity of his subjects, he had given orders for the troops 
to retire from Paris and Versailles. " You have been afraid 
of me," said he : " now, for my part, I put my trust in you." 
These words were hailed with applause. The members 
rose spontaneously, and escorted the monarch on foot to his 
palace. The king had also promised to restore Necker, 
and to proceed next day in person to Paris, to conciliate the 
people. 

A deputation of one hundred members, among whom were 
t^afayette and Bailly, was appointed by the Assembly to rct 
pair to Paris, and announce the happy turn of afiairs. The 
municipality of Paris, constituted by the electors for the 
emergency, was assembled at the Hotel de Ville, surrounded 
by multitudes of the populace. The deputation, on announ- 
cing its object was received with the liveliest demonstrations 
of joy. Bailly was appointed, amidst loud acclamations, 
successor to Flesselles, with the title of Mayor of Paris. 
There was yet to be appointed a commander of the civic 
guards, or national militia, the formation of which had been 
directed. There was, m the Hotel de Ville, a trophy from 
independent America, the bust presented by the State of 
Virginia to the city of Paris. An elector (Moreau de St. 
Mery) pointed to it with his finger. All eyes were fixed 
upon it. It was the bust of Lafayette. With unanimous 
shouts of applause he was proclaimed commander. 

The next day, at the head of the civic guards, Lafayette 



^26 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

received the king in Paris. The guards, near two hundred 
thousand in number, were arrayed in double lines, and arm- 
ed with muskets, pikes, lances, scythes and staves. The 
king passed through these lines and entered the Hotel de 
Ville, under an arch of swords crossed over his head, as a 
mark of honor. Quiet was restored to the capital, and ap- 
parent confidence re-established between the king and the 
people. The anti-revolutionary ministers, the rash advisers 
of the project which had failed, quitted the court. The 
Count d'Artois, the Princes ofConde and Condi, the Polignac 
family, and some others, hastily left the kingdom ; and thus 
commenced the emigration of the aristocracy, which soon 
became so numerous, and instigated in foreign countries 
hostilities against France. 

Lafayette, with the authoroity of the king and the muni- 
cipality, re-organized the civic militia, incorporating into 
it the French guards, who were devoted to the revolution. 
This was attended with much difficulty, as the French 
guards were tenacious of retaining their distinctive organi- 
zation, and was only accomplished by the firmness and con- 
ciliatory spirit of Lafayette. He borrowed of the bankers, 
on his own responsibility, as he had done for similar purpo- 
ses in America, 1,200,000 francs, which were distributed 
among the French guards on their dissolution. Upon the 
body of troops thus formed, and who are so celebrated in 
the history of French revolutions, Lafayette bestowed the 
title of the National Guards. A uniform was adopted, and 
a cockade, in which the blue and red, the colors of the 
city, were united with the white, the color of the king. 
This was the famous tri-colored cockade, of which Lafay- 
ette, in announcing its adoption and the formation of the 
National Guards, to the Assembly, said : " Gentlemen, I 
bring you a cockade which shall make the tour of the world; 
and an institution, at once civic and military, which shall 
change the system of European tactics, and reduce all ab- 
solute governments to the alternative of being beaten, if they 
do not imitate it, or of being overthrown if they dare to op- 
pose it." By the influence of Lafayette, a National Guard 
was organized on the same principles as that of Paris, 
throughout the kingdom ; but he ref'used the special com- 
mands, which were pressed upon him by deputations and 
addresses from all quarters. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 22? 

A French writer (Toulongeon) thus speaks of Lafayette 
at this period. " Lafayette whose name and whose reputa- 
tion acquired in America, were associated with liberty it- 
self, Lafayette was at the head of the Parisian National 
Guard. He enjoyed at once that entire confidence and 
public esteem which are due to great qualities. The facul- 
ty of raising the spirits, or rather of infusing fresh courage 
into the heart, was natural to him. His external appear- 
ance vvas youthful and bold, which is always pleasing to the 
multitude. His manners were simple, popular and engaging* 
He possessed every thing which is wanting to commence, 
and terminate, a revolution — the brilliant qualities of mili- 
tary activity, and the calm confidence of courage in times 
of public commotion. Lafayette was equal to every things 
if every thing had been done fairly and openly ; but he was 
unacquainted with the dark and narrow road of intrigue.'"' 

At the head of the National Guards, Lafayette endeavor- 
ed to preserve the public tranquility, to prevent bloodshed, 
and to secure the execution and observance of the laws 
passed by the Assembly. No man could, in those terrible 
times, have exerted the same influence. Many victims were 
saved by him from the popular fury. Agitation continued 
in Paris, and spread throughout the kingdom. Foulon, 
who as an intendent, had committed enormous extortions, 
and spoken contemptuously of the people, in spite of the ef- 
forts of Lafayette to save him, was beheaded, and his head 
stuck upon a pole and paraded through Paris. His son-in. 
law, Berthier, fell by the hands of the same lawless multitude. 
LafayettCj full of grief and indgnation at these events, avow- 
ed his intention of resigning* The mayor and municipali- 
ty, anxiously solicited him to forego that intention. The 
militia and the people thronged around him, and promised 
the utmost obedience in future. On these conditions he re- 
sumed the command, and by his own energy and that of the 
troopSj prevented many excesses. He refused, as he had 
done in America, all compensation for his services, or in- 
demnity for the expenses which his office had imposed upon 
him. To the municipality of Paris, on this point, he replied 
(Sept. 30, 1790,) " My private fortune secures me from 
want ; it has ouilasted two revolutions ; and should it sur- 
vive a third, through the complaisance of the people, it shall 
belong to them alone/ 



^2§ lilFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

In the mean time, the Assembly continued to deliberate 
upon the Declaration of Rights, proposed by Lafayette, and 
upon kindred measures, which had his sanction. On the 
nicrht of the 4th of August, by a common impulse of devo- 
tion to liberty, the deputies resolved upon the abolition of 
all feudal rights and privileges and of the long list of abuses 
of which the people justly complained. Lafayette warmly 
supported these measures and insisted that the constitutional 
equality among citizens should be immediately established* 
" This night, (says Mignet,) which an enemy of the revolu- 
tion called at the time the Saint-Barthelemy of property, 
was only the Saint-Barthelemy of abuses. It cleared away 
the rubbish of the feudal system ; it delivered the person 
from the remains of ancient* servitude ; lands from seigno- 
rial dependence ; soccage properties from the ravages of 
those who claimed the right of game, and from the exaction 
of tithes. In destroying seignorial jurisdictions, the rem- 
nants of private power, it led to the reign of public power, 
in destroying the venality of the offices of the magistracy, 
it promised unbribed justice. It was the passage from a 
condition in which every thing belonged to individuals, to 
another, in which every thing was to belong to the state. 
This night changed the aspect of the realm ; it rendered all 
Frenchmen equal ; it opened the way for all to arrive at 
public employments ; to aspire after property ; to exercise 
industry ; finally, this night was a revolution as important 
as the insurrection of the 14th of July, of which it was thd 
consequence. It rendered the people the masters of society, 
as the other had rendered them the masters of the govern- 
mem ; and permitted them to build up the new constitution 
by destroying the o'd." 

A medal was struck to preserve the memory of this day ; 
the Assembly decreed to Louis XVI, the title of Restorer of 
French Liberty, and ordered that a solemn TeDeum should 
be performed on the occasion. The kinc^ accepted she title 
and was present at the Te Deum. The Declaration of 
Rights was soon after completed, and adopted by the As-- 
sembly. 



LI^E OF LAFAYETTE. 529 



CPIAPTER XXIII. 

Intrigues and duplicity of the queen and court. Projected removal of 
the king — mad military banquet at Versailles. Fearful insurrection 
of the 6th of October. Mob of women assail the palace. Lafayette 
resists the popular fury. Repairs to Versailles. Defends the palace. 
Saves the lives of the royal family. Reconciles the king and queen 
to the populace. The royal family remove to Paris. Guarded by 
Lafayette. New projects of agitation and flight. Counteracted by 
Lafayette. Transmits to Gen. Washington a drawing and key of 
the Bastile. Volunteer oath of the king to sustain the constitution. 
Abolition of titles. Death of Franklin. Eulogium of Mirabeau. 
Motion of Lafayette. Anniversary of the 14th July. Federation of 
the Champ-de-Mars. Laiayette the champion of the day. The oath. 
Grand review of the National Guards. Monitory address of Laf&y- 
ette. Reply of the deputies. 

The sanction of the 'king to the decrees of the 4th of 
August was reluctantly given ; while he withheld his assent 
from the Declaration of Rights proposed by Lafayette and 
adopted by the Assembly. With blind fatality, and guilty 
obstinacy, the queen and nobles of the court, endeavored 
by secret plots and intrigues to prevent the adoption of the 
free institutions and laws which were demanded by the in- 
telligence and circumstances of the times. They sought to 
promote anarchy, rather than to establish order, as most 
congenial to their designs. The king, unfortunately for 
himself and the nation, yielded himself to these pernicious 
influences, and beca:me a victim to the intrigue and dupli- 
city by which he was surrounded. 

The first effort of the counter-plotters of the court, was a 
plan for the removal of the king from the influence of the 
Assembly and of Paris. He was to withdraw with the 
court to Metz, where, amidst the army and the nobles, aid- 
ed by mercenary troops and foreign powers, the Assembly 
and the people of Paris were to be declared rebels, and the 
ancient absolute government re-establitshed. To ensure the 
success of this plan, under the pretext of guarding against 
popular commotion, the Flanders regiment and other troops 
were brought to Versailles, and the guards of the palace 

20 



230 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

were doubled. This military display excited suspicions 
among the people, and rumor soon suggested the intended 
flight of the king. The popular party was desirous of se- 
curing his person, and already expressed a wish for his re- 
moval to Paris. The crisis was accelerated by a banquet 
given at Versailles, by the king's guards to the officers of 
the Flanders regiment, on the 1st of October. At this festi- 
val, held in the grand saloon of the theatre of the palace, 
which had been hitherto devoted to the most solemn festi- 
vals of the court, the most extravagant expressions and acts 
of loyalty were indulged. In the midst of the riotous hi- 
larity, the king entered the banquet hall, in a hunting dress, 
followed by the queen, with the dauphin in her arms. 
Their healths were drank by the guests with naked swords 
in hand, and when they were retiring, the band strack up 
the air, O Richard, O mon roi, rimivers, Vabandonne ! The 
charge was sounded, and the guests scaled the boxes, as 
though advancing to an assault. Cockades, of a single 
color, white or black, were distributed, and the tri-colored 
cockade, that of the nation, it was said and believed at the 
time, was trodden under foot ; and the troops repaired to the 
galleries of the palace, where the ladies of the court over- 
whelmed them with congratulations and decorated them 
with i^bands and cockades. 

This mad banquet was renewed on the 3d of October. 
A portion of the company, as on the former occasion, pre- 
sented themselves before the queen, who, among other ex- 
pressions, declared to them, that she was ^^ enchanted hyihe 
pleasures of Thursday J ^ 

These proceedings clearly indicated the designs of the 
court; and with the refusal of the king to sanction the dec- 
laration of rights, together with the sufferings of the people 
from the scarcity of food, wrought up the populace of Pa- 
lis to a state of the greatest phrensy. It was in vain that 
Lafayette and the civil magistrates endeavored to allay the 
excitement. In the ex<3esses of the French revolution the 
females of the lower classes acted a conspicuous part. 
Indeed, from the queen, who was at the head of the court, 
or counter-revolution party, through every grade of parties 
and factions, females exercised a formidable political influ- 
ence. On the 5th of October, a crowd of furious women 
assembled in Paris. They broke into the Hotel de Villcj 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 231 

crying, " bread ! bread !" rung the great bell, the tocsin 
of alarm, and the whole {Dopulace were soon in motion. 
Armed with bludgeons, broomsticks, muskets and cutlasses, 
most of those furious women, headed by a citizen nam.ed 
Maillard, who had signalized himself at the capture of the 
Baslile, marched to Versailles ; entered the hall of the As- 
sembly, and by a numerous committee, penetrated the pal- 
ace, to the presence of the king himself. They were fol- 
lowed by others, men and women, and the mob which sur- 
rounded the palace were fired upon by the guards ; two of 
the guards were killed, and several on both sides wounded. 

For eight hours Lafayette resisted the desires of the na- 
tional militia, to go with the populace to Versailles. " Gen- 
eral," said one of them to him, '•' you do not deceive us, but 
you deceive yourself. Instead of turning our arms against 
women, let us go to Versailles to fetch the king, and make 
sure of his gjood disposition by placing him in the midst of 
us.'' He detained them until their passions had cooled, and 
by order of the commune at length set out. He halted his 
army by the way, exhorted them to the preservation of or- 
der, and made them swear to be faithful to the king. Ar- 
riving at Versailles about midnight, he repaired in person to 
the palace, and assured the king and royal family of his 
disposition, and that of his army, to protect them from vio- 
lence. Lafayette was refused the guard of the palace, 
which was assigned to the Flanders regiment, the Swiss, and 
life-guards. The outposts alone were intrusted to him. 
The king retired to rest. The mob became quiet ; and af- 
ter being up, and vigilantly employed all night, Lafayette, 
at five in the morning, took some refreshment, and threw 
himself upon a bed to obtain some rest. The people about 
this time began to stir, and thronged to the palace ; where, 
a quarrel occurring, one of the life-guards fired from the 
windows. Enraged, the crowd rushed upon the palace ; 
found a gate open in the rear, and ascending by a staircase, 
penetrated even to the apartment of the queen, who scarce- 
ly had time to escape to the king's apartments. A portion 
of Lafayette's guards, stationed near the palace, hastened 
to disperse the mob, and to aid the life-guards who were 
contending at the doors of the palace. 

Lafayette, who had not fallen asleep, hearing the tumult, 
mounted the first horse he met with, and galloped into the 



232 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

midst of the fray, where he found several of the life-guards 
about to be slaughtered. Lafayette proceeded to rescue 
them, and ordered his troops to hasten to the palace. Left 
alone in the midst of the brigands, one of them took aim at 
him. With a peremptory voice, Lafayette ordered the man 
to be brought to him. Struck with awe and respect, the 
mob hastened to obey, seized the culprit, and dashed out his 
brains upon the pavement. After saving the life-guards, 
Lafayette hastened to the palace. His troops, who were 
already there, surrounded him, and pledged themselves to 
die for the king. " At this moment, (says Theirs,) the life- 
guards who had been saved from destruction, shouted " La- 
fayette for ever /" The whole court, seeing themselves pre- 
served by him and his troops, acknowledged that to him 
they were indebted for their lives. These testimonies of 
gratitude were universal. Madame Adelaide, the king's 
aunt, run up to. him, and clasped him in her arms, saying, 
' General, you have saved us.' " 

The mob which surrounded the palace, now cried out, 
«' To Paris ! To Paris !" It was at length decided in a 
council, where Lafayette refused to be present, that the 
king and court should comply with the wish of the people. 
This decision was announced by slips of paper, thrown 
among the crowd. The king, accompanied by Lafayette, 
then shovv'ed himself upon the balcony, and was greeted with 
shouts of " Long live the king !^' But the queen, endeav- 
oring to appear with some of her children, was received 
with threatening language, and cries of " no babies !" She 
had declared to Lafayette her courageous intention of ac- 
companying the king to Paris. The general led her to the 
balcony, and by a delicate sign, it being impossible that his 
voice should be heard in the tumult, bespoke for her the con- 
ciliation of the mob ; he stepped forward, took the hand of 
the queen, and kissed it respectfully. The mob responded 
to the token, and confirmed the reconciliation by shouts of 
'■• Long live the queen /" " Long live Lafayette /" 

The king and royal family set off for Paris, escorted by 
Lafayette and his guards, preceded and followed by portions 
of the fearful and triumphant mob. A band of the brigands 
were parading the heads of the two life-guards they had 
killed, on the point of their pikes. Lafayette disarmed 
them, and took from them these horrible, trophies. The 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 233 

king and his family repaired first to the Hotel de Ville, 
where they were received by M. Bailly, the mayor. " I 
return with confidence," said the king, " into the midst of 
my people in Paris." In repealing these words to those 
who could not hear the king, Bailly forgot the word confi- 
dence, '' Add ivith confidence,^' said the queen. " you are 
happier," replied Bailly, "than if'I had said it myself." 
Thus ended the memorable 6th of October, in the events of 
which Lafayette bore so important a part. 

The royal family took up its residence at the palace of 
the Tuileries, which had been uninhabited for a century. 
During that period, the royal residence and the couit had 
been at Versailles, about fourteen miles from Paris. There, 
millions and millions had been lavished in costly buildings, 
and the decoraiions and improvements of a position which 
possessed but few natural advantages. There was the seat 
of despotism and intrigue ; and there, the utmost luxury 
and extravagance continued to be indulged, while the people 
were threatened with starvation. By the events of the 5th 
and 6th of October, the king, the court, and the Assembly, 
were restored to Paris. 

The guard of th3 palace was confided to the corps of 
which Lafayette was commander, and he was thus made 
responsible to the nation for the person of the king. He 
also took, by the direction of the king, th.e command of the 
environs of Paris for twenty m.iles round, and adopted 
prompt and efficient measures to insure order and security. 
The king, the queen, and the court, by an impulse of justice, 
acknowledged their obligation to him for their lives ; and 
enjoying the confidtnce of the friends of rational liberty, 
liis popularity was immense. He did not escape the jeal- 
ousy and the calumnies of Mirabeau and others, who had 
personal objects to accomplish ', and to these were added 
the reproaches of the aristocracy. In spits of these, he 
persevered faithfully in his duties. The Duke of Orleans, 
biother to the king, who had espoused the revolution, as was 
generally believed, fom ambitious motives, w-as the cause 
of distrust and threatened disturbance. Lafayette insisted 
upon, and induced, his withdrawal from the kingdom. In 
a tumult occasioned by the scarcity of food, a baker had 
been killed, Lafayette succeeded in arresting the culprits, 
and delivering them over to justice. A tribunal had beea 

20* 



234 tlFE OP LAFAYETTE, 

constituted, styled the Chatelet, for trying ofFenees relative 
to the revolution. Through the influence of Lafayette, im- 
portant reforms were introduced in the mode of its proceed- 
ings. The trials were public, the accused were confronted 
with the witnesses, were allowed advocates, &c. He had 
labored for the establishment of the trial by jury, which 
was afterwards adopted,- 

The Assembly continued its labors, in finishing the 
measures of reform, and completing the constitution. In 
the mean time, factions were springing up, and around it. 
The emigrant nobles abroad, the aristocracy and members 
of the court, were busied in promoting excesses and fur- 
nishing pretexts and opportunities for counter-revolution. 
It was their policy to represent the king as the prisoner, that 
his concessions to the popular cause might the more readily 
be disavowed. The queen had complained to Lafayette 
that the king was not free, and assigned as a proof, that 
the palace duty was performed by the national guards, and 
not by the life-guards. Lafayette immediately proposed 
the restoration of the life-guards, offering to share with them= 
the duty of the palace. This was declined by the king, un- 
der the pretext that it would expose the life-guards to- the 
risk of being murdered. Lafayette occasioned some em- 
barrassment to the queen, who brought this excuse, by stat- 
ing to her that he had just seen one of them walking in uni- 
form, in the Palace Royal. 

In the beginning of 1790, strong indications appeared of 
a general agitation, not only in Paris, but throughout the 
kingdom. The great body of the clergy, having been de- 
prived by the late acts of the Assembly, of their immense 
property and privileges, united with the court and the nobili- 
ty, to prevent the execution of the measures of r-eform. An 
attempt was made to seduce or disorganize the army, and 
some of the national guards, who were under pay, assembled 
tumultuously in the Champ-de-Mars, and demanded an in- 
crease of pay. Lafayette, active and present at all points 
of danger, hastened to the spot, dispersed and punished the 
refractory soldiers, and restored order among the troops who 
continued faithful. A design to carry off the king, and 
as was alleged, to assassinate Bailly and Lafayette, was- 
discovered. The king was to be conveyed to Peronne, 
placed at the head of an army of Swiss and Piedmontese 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 235 

and thence march upon Paris. The Marquis of Favras, 
who was to conduct this enterprise, was arrested, and hand- 
ed over to the tribunal for trial. The populace was highlv 
excited against him, and the court, of which he was sup- 
posed to be an agent. Lafayette interfered to ensure him 
a fair and impartial trial, which Favras gratefully acknowl- 
edged. He was condemned and executed. 

Foreign powers, instigated by the French emigrants, and 
the natural fears of the influence of freedom, began secretly 
to interfere with the internal affairs of France. Lafayette 
denounced in the National Assembly this interference. He 
also condemned the riots and outrages which took, place in 
the proviflcesr by whomsoever instiga^ted, and proposed vig- 
orous measures against the rioters. " Under despotism, 
(said he,) the most sacred of duties is insurrection ; under 
a free government, obedience to the laws." 

Lafayette was desirous of establishing for France, that 
rational liberty which had been secured for America. He 
saw the difficulties which threatened, but did not as yet de- 
spair. With a letter to Gen. Washington, March 17, 1790, 
in which he stated some of these difficulties, what had been 
accomplished, and what was hoped for, Lafayette transmitted 
a key and a drawing of the Bastile. " Give me leave (he 
said,) my dear general, to present you with a picture of the 
Bastile, a few days after I had ordered its demolition, with a 
main key of the fortress of despotism.^ It is a tribute which 
I owe as a son of my adopted father, as an aid-de-camp to 
my general, as a missionary of liberty to its patriarch." 

Gen. Washington acknowledged the receipt of these tro- 
phies, Aug. 21, 1780. "I have received (he said) your 
affectionate letter of the 17th of March, by one conveyance, 
and the token of the victory gained by liberty over despot- 
ism, by another ; for both which testimonials of your friend- 
ship and regard I pray you accept my sincere thanks. In 
this great subject of triumph for the new world, and for hu- 
manity in general, it will never be forgotten how conspicu- 
ous a part you bore, and how much lustre you reflect on a 
country in which you made the first displays of your char- 
acter." 

On the 4th of February, (1790,) the king appeared unex- 
pectedly in the hall of the Assembly. He pledged himself 
to support the new order of things and to defend the con. 



"236 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

stitation, which the Assembly had completed and adopted. 
This voluntary pledge of the king, gave rise to the adoption 
of a civic oath, by which the deputies, and each of the au- 
thorities throughout the kingdom, swore " to he faitliful to 
the nation, to the law, and to the king, arid to uphold with all 
his poioer the constitution decreed hy the National Assemhly, 
and accepted oy the kiiig.'" It was al&o determined to ob- 
serve the approaching 14th of July, the anniversary of the 
insurrection of the people, and the fall of the Bastile, and 
of the nation's deliverance, with suitable and imposing so- 
lemnities. A confederation of the whole realm was to take 
place in the Champ-de-Mars at Paris, and therr, in the open 
air, deputies fiom the eighty-three departments, the depu- 
ties of the Assembly, of the national guards at Paris, and 
throughout France, and the king in person, were to take 
the oaih to the constitution. 

in the mean time, as preliminary to this patriotic festival, 
all that remained of empty privilege was abolished by de- 
crees of the Assembly — all the hereditary titles of count, 
marquis, baron; armorial bearings, liveries, orders of chiv- 
alry. Lafayette had been the first to renounce these empty 
titles, as well as the privileges which were attached to them, 
althouoh he was willino; that anv one who chose should re- 
tain the titles iheraselves. He \vas for the substance, v>^hile 
others pursued the shadow. 

At this eventful period, on the 11th of June^ the death oi 
Doctor Franklin v/as made known in Fiance. The next 
iEornin_2:, on the convening of ti;e Assembly, Lafayette re- 
quested Mirabeau to preface a motion which he suggested, 
by some appropriate remarks. Mirabeau rose, and an- 
nounctd the event in a brief speech, of the nxosi thrilling 
eloquence. This celebrated address, entirely unpremedi- 
tated, cannot be too often repeated in America. It was as 
follows : 



X'SANKLIN IS EEAD 



[A profounJ silence reigned throughout the halL" 

" The genius which gave freedom to America, and scattered torrents 
of hght upon Europe, is returned to the bosom of the Divinity ! 

" The sage, whom two v/orlds claim ; the man disputed by the his- 
tory of the sciences and the history of empires, holds^ most undoubted- 
ly, an elevated rank among the human species. 

" Political cabinets have but too long notified the death of those v.'hi> 



LIFE OF LAAYETTEF. 2S7 

were never great but in their funeral orations ; the etiquette of courts 
has but too long sanctioned hypocritical grief. — Nations ought only to 
inouru for their benefactors.; the representatives of free men ought nev- 
er to recommend any other than the heroes of humanity to- their hom- 
age. 

" The Congress hath ordered a general mourning for one month 
throughout the fourteen confederated states, on account of the death of 
Franklin ; and America hath thus acquitted her tribute of admiration 
in behalf of one of the fathers of the constitution. 

" Would it not be worthy of you, fellow-legislators, to unite your- 
selves in this religious act, to participate in this homage rendered in the 
face of the universe to the rights of man, and to the philosopher who 
has so eminently propagated the conquest of them throughout the 
world ] 

" Antiquity would have elevated altars to that mortal, who for the 
advantage of the human race, embracing both heaven and earth in his 
vast and extensive mind, knew how to subdue thunder and tyranny. 

" Enlightened and free, Europe at least owes its remembrance and 
its regret to one of the greatest men who haa ever served the cause of 
philosophy and of liberty. 

" I propose, that a decree do now pass, enacting, that the National 
Assembly shall wear mourning during three days for Benjamin Frank- 
lin." 

Lafayette and Rochefoucault, simultaneously rose to sec- 
ond the motion. The decree passed, and the President was 
directed to write a letter of condolence on the occasion to 
the American Congress. This letter, dated Jane 20, 1790, 
contains the following paragraph : " -May the Congress of 
the United States and the National Assemby of France be 
the first to furnish this fine spectacle [mutual liberty and 
amity,] to the world ! And may the individuals of the two 
nations connect themselves by a mutual affection, worthy 
of the friendship which unites the two men, at this day most 
illustrious by their exertion^S for liberty, Washington and 
Lafayette." 

Such was the estimation in which Lafayette was then 
held in France. Happy would it have been for the nation, 
had it continued to appreciate his worth, and to be govern-. 
ed by his examples and his counsels ! 

A rumor prevailed that Lafayette was about to be ap- 
pointed commandant of all the national guards of the king- 
dom. The court, unfriendly to, or distrustful of, Lafayette, 
pretended to be alarmed at this increase of his power. But, 
Lafayette was as disinterested as he was popular. He had 
no design of accepting a station which he had btfore, aad 



^88 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

frequently refused. His ambition was of a more pure and 
noble character, than to aim at the possession or exercise 
of military despotism ; although in his hands the command 
in question would have been unattended Vv^ith either. To 
prevent all pretext of alarm or reproach, Lafayette at once 
proposed, that the same person should not command more 
than the guard of one department. The motion was carried 
by acclamations, and the disinterestedness of the general 
warmly applauded. Lafayette, however, was charged with 
the whole arrangements of the festival, and was appointed 
for that occasion Chief of the Federation, or Generalissimo, 
in his quality of commandant of the Parisian guards. 

The Champ-de-Mars, Vv'here the ceremonies were to take 
..place is a spacious area, on the left bank of the Seine, at 
the south-west extremity of the city. Ft was about half a 
mile in length and a quarter of a mile in breadth, slightly 
circling towards the river. The earth was to be removed 
fi om the centre to the sides, so as to form an amphitheatre, 
capable of containing an immense mass of spectators. In 
addition to twelve thousand laborers who had been em- 
ployed for weeks, the entire population of Paris volunteered 
to further the preparations. Females of the first families 
mingled in the labors, and the greatest enthusiasm pre^ 
vailed. 

The 14th of July arrived. Ail the federal deputies of the 
provinces and the army, ranged under their chiefs and their 
banners, set out from the place of the Bastile. The pro- 
cession passed through the principal streets of Paris, receiv- 
ing on their way the municipalities and the Assembly, and 
greeted with enthusiasm by the people, to the Champ-de- 
Mars. Lafayette, mounted on a superb white horse, and 
surrounded by his aids-de-camp, gave orders and conducted 
this inimense procession, amidst the applause of the people. 
A French author (M. Ferrieras) states the foUov/ing inci- 
dent. " The perspiration trickled from his face. A man, 
whom nobody knew, pushed through the crowd, and ad- 
vanced, holdirg a bottle in one hand, and a giass in the 
other. ' General,' said he, ' you are hot, take a glass.' 
Raising his bottle, he filled a large glass and handed it to 
M. de Lafayette. The general took the glass, eyed the 
stranger for a moment, and drank off the wine at a draught. 
The people applauded. Lafayette, with a, smile of complain 




WiBREA.EE^T.UWIR, 



J.APAYETTE TAKING THE CIVIC OATH TO THE FRENCH FEDERATIOJr> 

JULY 14, 1790. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 241 

sance, cast a benevolent and smiling look upon the multi- 
tude) and that look seemed to say, ' I shall never conceive 
any suspicion, I shall never feel any uneasiness, so long as 
I am in the midst of you.' " 

The whole extent of the Champ-de-Mars was surrounded 
by steps of green turf, rising one above another, occupied 
by four hundred thousand spectators. Within this circle, 
upon appropriate elevations, decorated with flowers, were 
the king, the national authorities, the ministers and depu- 
ties. In the rear of the king was an elevated balcony, oc- 
cupied by the queen arid the court. Sixty thousand fede- 
ralists performed their evolutions in the intermediate space ; 
and in the centre, upon a base twenty feet high, was eleva- 
ted the altar of the country. Three hundred priests, with 
white surplices arid tfi-colored scarfs, were arranged at the 
four corners of the altar, at which the celebrated Talley- 
rand, then Bishop of Autun, in his pontifical robes, celebra- 
ted mass, amidst vocal ahd instrumental music, and the 
peals of cannon. 

To this imposing ceremony, succeeded profound silence 
throughout the vast enclosure. Lafayette, dismounting from 
his horse, advanced as the first to take the civic oath. "He 
was carried (says Mignet) in the arms of grenadiers, to the 
altar of the country, in the midst of the acclamations of the 
people. He then, in an elevated voice, in his own name, 
in the name of his troops, and of the federates, spoke as 
follows : ' We swear to be faithful to the nation, to the law, 
and to the king ; and to maintain with all our power the 
constitution decreed by the National Assembly and accep- 
ted by the king ; and to remain united to all Frenchmen, 
by the indissoluble ties of fraternity.' Discharges of artil- 
lery, shouts of ' Long live the nation /' ' Long live the king/* 
the clashing of arms, the sounds of music, instantly min- 
gled in cne unanimous and prolonged cadence. The Pres- 
ident of the Assembly took the same oath, and all the dep- 
uties repeated it at the same time. Louis XVI then rising, 
< I,' said he, ' the King of France, swear to employ all the 
powers delegated to me by the constitutional act of the state, 
to maintain the constitution decreed by the National As- 
sembly, and accepted by me." The queen being then led 
forward, and raising the Dauphin in her arms, and show- 
ing him to the people, said, ' Here is my son ; he unites 

SI 



242 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

with me in the same sentiments.' At the same instant the 
banners were lowered, the acclamations of the people were 
heard in one loud and prolonged shout. Subjects believed 
in the sincerity of the monarch, and the monarch in the at- 
tachment of his subjects ; and this happy day was termina- 
ted by a solemn chant of thanksgiving." 

The next day Lafayette reviewed the national guards of 
the departments who were present, and a part of the army 
of the line. The king and queen attended. Sixty thous- 
and men were under arms, and presented a magnificent and 
imposing spectacle, at once military and national. The 
enthusiasm manifested on that occasion, and the previous 
day, indicated that the wish that the command of the whole 
national guards of the kingdom should be conferred on La- 
fayette, had not been abandoned. This induced Lafayette, 
in his address to the confederates, to use the following ad- 
monitory language : " Let not ambition take possession of 
you: love the friends of the people ; but reserve blind sub- 
mission for the law, and enthusiasm for liberty. Pardon 
this advice, gentlemen : you have given me the glorious 
right to offer it, when, by loading me with every species of 
favor which one of your brothers could receive from you, 
my heart, amidst its delijihiful emotions, cannot repress a 
feeling of fear." On taking leave of Lafayette, the depu- 
tations, who had come with the design of conferring upon 
him the chief command, spoke as follows : '' The deputies 
of the national guards of France retire, with the regret of 
not being able to nominate you their chief. They respect 
the constitutional law, though it checks at this moment the 
impulse of their hearts. A circumstance which must cover 
you with immortal glory, is, that you yourself promoted the 
law ; that you yourself prescribed bounds to our grati- 
tude," 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 243 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

Empty pageant and professions. The factions. Lafayette endeavors 
to reconcile them. Counter disturbances. Lafayette suppresses 
them. His true position. Death of Mirabeau. Danger and dupli- 
city of the king. Royal family escape. Lafayette blamed by the 
populace. Vindication. Is offered and rejects the vacant throne. 
The king arrested at Varennes and brought back to Paris. Lafay- 
ette receives and protects the royal family. The king suspended, 
Lafayette responsible for his safe custody. The Jacobins demand a 
republic. Mob in the Champ-de-Mars. Lafayette fires upon and 
suppresses it. The constitution completed. The king restored. 
Lafayette resigns his commission. Retires to Chavagnac. Is de- 
feated as candida'-e for Mayor of Paris. Repairs (o Mentz. Letter 
to Gen. Washington. War declared. Reign of Terror approaches. 
Lafayette remonstrates to the Assembly. His appeal comes too late. 
Insurrection of the 20th June. 

The solemn festival was ended. The national pageant 
passed away. And how soon were the royal oaths, the pa- 
triotic pro. estations, sworn upon the altar of the country, 
forgotten ! Of those high functionaries, who thus solemnly 
pledged themselves before heaven and in the face of the na- 
tion, few besides Lafavette remained faithful. On the one 
hand, the club of the Jacobins, which afterwards established 
the Reign of Terror, and deluged France in blood, began, 
to exercise a political influence. On the other, the court 
and the nobles continued their intrigues, and aggravated 
and encouraged the popu'ar excesses, for the purpose of ef- 
fecting a counter-revolution. To neither of these extremes 
was the constitution satisfactory. Their respective opin- 
ions of it, may be expres.sed in the language of Mirabeau : 
" For a monarchy, it was too democratic, and for a repub- 
lic, there was a king too much." The difficulties of the 
period, and of his position, are thus stated by Lafayette, in 
a letter to Gsn. Washington, da'ed August 26th, 1790. 

" We are disturbed with revolts among the regiments ; 
and, as I am constantly attacked on both sides by the aris- 
tocratic and the factious parlies, Ldo not know to which 
of the two we owe these insurrections. Our safeguard 



244 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE o. 

against them is the national guards. There are more than 
a million of armed citizens ; among them, patriotic legions ; 
and my influence with them is as great as if I had accep- 
ted the chief command. I have lately lost some of my 
favor with the mob, and displeased the frantic lovers of li- 
centiousness, as I am bent on establishing a legal subordina^. 
tion. But the nation at large is very thankful to me for 
it. It is not out of the heads of aristocrats to make a coun- 
ter-revolution. Nay, they do what they can with all the 
crowned heads of Europe, who hate us. But I think their 
plans will be either abandoned or unsuccessful. I am rath- 
er more concerned at a division that rages in the popular 
party. The club of the Jacobins, and that of '89, [after- 
wards the Fleuillants] as it is called, have divided the friends 
of liberty, who accuse each other, the Jacobins being taxed 
with a disorderly extravagance, and '89 with a tincture of 
ministerialism and ambition. I am endeavoring to bring 
about a reconciliation," 

Mirabeau, the popular orator of the Assembly, had been 
gained over to the side of the court. The flight of the king 
was again resolved upon. The people were suspicious of 
the design, and ready for commotion. On the 28th of Feb- 
ruary, 1781, a movement of the populace, instigated, as was 
afterwards believed, for the purpose of favoring the flight 
of the king, took place, having for its object the destruction 
of the castle of Vicennes. The castle was regarded as a 
second Bastile, the tower of which, communicating with 
the Tuileries, was to serve for the escape of the king. 
Lafayette repaired promptly to the spot, and dispersed the 
populace. While he was thus engaged, several hundred 
persons, dependents of the court and palace, repaired to the 
Tuileries, for the purpose, as was supposed, of carrying the 
king off; but Lafayette arrived in time to disarm and dis-r 
perse these royalist desperadoes, who, from daggers being 
found upon them, were called knights of the poignard. 
" This scene (says Theirs) determined the real position of 
Lafayette, ft vvas clearly shown on this occasion, that, 
placed between the most opposite parties, he was there to 
protect both the person of the king and the constitution. 
His double victory increased his popularity, his power, and 
the hatred of his enemies. Mirabeau, who wrongfully en- 
couraged the distrust of the court towards him, represented 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 245 

his conduct as profoundly hypocritical." But Mirabeau, 
who seems to have been isincerely desirous of arresting the 
progress of anarchy, did not live long to enjoy the confi- 
dence of his new friends, or the unbounded popularity and 
influence he possessed in the Assembly. He died, after a 
short illness, on the 20th April. 

So great was the distrust of the people, that the carriage 
of the king was stopped, on his way to St. Clouds, (April 
18,) by a mob, on the supposition that he meditated flight. 
From this perilous situation, he was rescued by Lafayette. 
The king repaired to the Assembly ; complained of the in- 
dignity ; and soon after (23d April) caused, a letter to be 
written in his behalf to the foreign ambassadors, contradict- 
ing the intentions imputed to him of leaving the country, 
declaring his intention to keep the oath he had taken to the 
constitution, and proclaiming as his enemies, all who should 
insinuate to the contrary. 

And yet, in the face of these professions, a plan was secret- 
ly maturing, with the agents of the French emigran,-ts and 
foreign powers, for the flight of the royal family. They were 
to proceed to Montmcdy, where Gen. Bouille, a rigid friend 
of the court, under the pretext of a movement of the enemy's 
troops on the frontier, had established a camp of such troops 
as he supposed could be relied upon. The queen made all 
the arrangements. She had secured a private door for leav. 
ing the palace. The secret was intrusted only to such per- 
sons as was indispensable to its execution. In various dis- 
guises the royal family, one by one, quitted the palace on 
the night of the 21st of June, and at the place of rendezvous 
took carriages, and proceeded rapidly on their way. They 
travelled under a foreign name and with a fictitious passport. 

Lafayette knew nothing beforehand of these movements. 
Relying upon the royal professions, he had publicly pledged 
himself for the good faith of the king, and that he would not 
leave Paris. On his flight being known in the morning, 
Lafayette immediately sent his aids-de-camp in pursuit, as- 
suming in the order, that the royal family had been carried 
oft by enemies of the public welfare. The people were soon 
in great commotion, assembled in immense crowds at the 
Hotel de Ville, and accused Lafayette of having favored 
the king's escape. The prompt measures he adopted, his 
fearless and conciliatory deportment, silenced these accusa- 

•^1* 



246 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

tions. Some lamented the flight as a public calamityo 
Lafayette exclaimed, if they called that event a misfortune, he 
wished to know what name they would give to a counter-revo- 
lution which would deprive them of lilerty. The same eye- 
witness (Toulongeon) adds, that several voices in the mul- 
titude w^ere raised to offer Lafayette the vacant place. His 
indignant rejection of the proposition, restored him to all 
his previous popularity. 

The measures promptly taken by Lafayette, were ap- 
proved of by the Assembly. His aids, having been stopped 
by the people at the barriers, the Assembly ordered the 
gates to be opened to them. One of them, Romeuf, with 
the decree of the Assembly, confirming Lafayette's orders, 
took the road which proved to be that by which the king 
had departed. The next night, the royal fugatives were 
recognized and arrested at Varennes. There, Romeuf 
found them, and delivered to them the decree of the conven- 
tion. The whole royal family expressed great indignation 
against Lafayette, for causing them to be arrested. The 
queen even expressed astonishment (anticipating that he 
would be blamed for the flight of the king) that he had not 
been put to death by the people. Such were royal faith, 
and royal gratitude ! Romeuf replied, that Lafayette and 
himself had only done their duty ; but they had hoped the 
pursuit would not have been successfuL 

The royal family returned to Paris, escorted and protected 
from threatened violence, by the commissioners of the As- 
sembly, and officers and detachments of the national guards. 
Lafayette, with a numerous guard, took every precaution to 
preserve order. He had gone forward to meet the proces- 
sion, and in his absence an immense crowd had assembled 
around the Tuileries. The royal family were received by 
this crowd in silence, without any token of respect or dis- 
approbation* On discovering the life guards who had ac- 
companied the king in the disguise of couriers, and were 
then seated on the box of the carriage, the populace became 
riotous, and violently assailed these guardsmen. They 
were saved by the interferance of Lafayette. The As- 
sembly, by a decree, and in conformity with a previous act 
in contemplation of his departure, had suspended the king 
from his functions ; and directed that Lafayette, as com- 
mander-in-chief of the national guards, should place a 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 24T 

guard over the king, the queen, and the dauphin, and that 
the .^uard should be personally responsible for their safe 
custody. Lafayette repaired to the apartment of the king, 
and with much delicacy and respect, communicated to him 
this decree of the Assembly, and said to him, " Has your 
majesty any orders to give me ?" " It appears to me,'^ re- 
plied the king, with a smile, " that I am more under your 
orders than you are under mine." The queen, however, 
was quite irritated, and made some disdainful remarks, 
which Lafayette bore with his usual composure and kindness. 

The flight of the king had increased the popular preju- 
dice against him, and emboldened the Jacobin clubs, who, 
with Petion and Robespierre at their head, openly demanded 
a republic. They contended that the king by his flight had 
abdicated the throne. Lafayette, with a majority of the 
Assembly, were desirous of sustaining the king and the 
constitution ; of securing what had been gained ; justly fear- 
ing that the French people were not prepared for a purely 
republican government, and that anarchy, which already 
threatened, would lead to the restoration of the old monar- 
chical system, or to inevitable despotism. The Assembly, 
after investigating the subject of the king's journey, and 
receiving from him a disavowal of his intention to leave the 
kingdom, that he merely went for the purpose of ascertain- 
ing the public opinion, which he was satisfied was in favor 
of the constitution, and pledged himself, therefore, to sup- 
port it ; declared that the king was not culpable, that ho 
had not forfeited the throne, and could not be brought to 
trial, on account of his late journey. 

On this decision being announced, the Jacobins were in 
commotion. They excited the multitude to resistance.. 
They drew up a petition, in which they denied the compe- 
tency of the Assembly, appealed from it to the sovereignty 
of the people, considered Louis XVI as a private citizen, 
since he had fled, and demanded a substitute for him. On 
the 17th of July, (1791,) the anarchists assembled in great 
numbers in the Champ-de-Mars. Lafayette repaired thith- 
er, broke down the barricades which had been erected ; 
and after a narrow escape from a musket that was fired 
at him, succeeded in pursuading the populace to retire. 
The mob, however, soon after returned ; murdered two 
invalids and paraded their heads upon pikes, and threat- 



248 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

ened further violence. Bailly, the mayor, hastened to the 
scene ; was several times fired upon by the mob, but with 
intrepi'l courage proclaimed martial law, and summoned 
the mob to disperse. Lafayette again arrived with the 
guards ; he at first ordered a few shots to be fired into the 
air. The rioters persisting, he was compelled to give the 
wordj^re / and several of the agitators were killed. To ar. 
rest the ardor of the guards, Lafayette placed himself in 
front of the cannon, which was about to be again fired. 
The astonished gunner drew back ; and the mob dispersed 
without further bloodshed. Lafayette deemed it his duty, 
and thus unshrinkingly risked his popularity and his life, 
to preserve the constitution and laws. By this energetic 
course, the factions were overawed, and public tranquility 
for some time longer preserved. 

The constituent Assembly at length completed its labors, 
and presented the constitutional act, which embraced the 
several articles that had been adopted, and the decrees rel- 
ative thereto, to the king for his acceptance. The king, 
restored to the freedom and the powers he had enjoyed pre- 
vious to his departure, after deliberating for several days, 
repaired to the Assem.bly and announced his acceptance of 
the constitutional act entire. The enthusiastic expres- 
sions of approbation by the deputies and the populace, on 
this occasion, indicated that the king had obtained anew 
the confidence and nffections of the people. Lafayette, 
" who never forgot (says Theirs,) to repair the inevitable 
evils of political troubles," proposed a general amnesty for 
all acts connected with the revolution, which was proclaim- 
ed amidst shouts of joy, and the prisons were instantly 
thrown open. 

After providing for the election of deputies for a new 
Assembly, to which its own members were declared ineligi- 
ble, the constituent Assembly terminated its sittings. 

Deeming the purposes of his appointment accomplished^ 
Lafayette resigned his office as commandant of the national 
guards ; and on the 8th of October, took leave of them in 
an affectionate and instructive letter. " To serve you until 
this day, gentlemen, (he said,) was a duty imposed upon 
me by the sentiments which have animated my whole life ; it 
was but the return to fidelity to which your confidence.was 
entitled. To resign, now, without reserve, to my country all 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 249 

ihe power and influences he gave me for the purpose of de- 
fending her during recent convulsions, — this is a duty I 
owe to my well known resolutions, and it amply satisfies 
the only species of ambition I possess." 

His faithful guards parted with their beloved commander 
with deep regret. They presented to him the statue of 
Washington, and a sword forged from the bolts of the Bas- 
tile. Lafayette, also, on the 8th October, delivered a fare- 
well address to the commune, and quitted the capital for 
the place of his nativity, about one hundred and twenty 
leagues from Paris. Every where on his journey, he was 
received by the people with the warnaest tokens of honor 
and aifeclion. 

The first act of the new Legislative Assembly, was sol- 
emnly to take the oath to support the constitution. But 
violations of that sacred compact, by this same Assembly, 
instigated by the Jacobins and other factions of Paris, soon 
followed in profusion. " The influence, (asserts Dumas,) 
which the capital had exercised in the conquest of liberty 
was equally necessary to preserve the fruits of it. This 
support failed us. Public order rested solely on the zeal 
and good spirit of the national guard and the municipal 
authorities. General Lafayette, the commander-in-chief, 
and M. Bailly, the mayor of Paris, had aca^uired the entire 
confidence of all classes of citizens. They were the soul of 
this great body ; in their wisdom, their firmness, their per- 
fect understanding, the public force in all its intensity re- 
sided. Gen, Lafayette had fulfilled all his engagements ; 
he had no other proofs to give of his disinterested devoteci- 
ness, than by laying down this species of popular dictator- 
ship, which the esteem and affection of the entire mass of 
the nation had conferred on him. He bid adieu to the na- 
tional guard, and retired to his seat at Chevagnac. His 
loss was irreparable." ****** 

" The respectable M, Bailly, mayor of Paris, who, notwith- 
standing his ill health, had remained at his post only at the 
repeated entreaties of M. Lafayette, soon followed his ex- 
ample and retired." 

The friends of liberty and order, however, sought to re- 
store to Paris the presence and services of Lafayette, by pro- 
curing his election as mayor. But the court party hoping 
rnore from, the instability of the opposing faction, tha,n from, 



250 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

the known principles and firmness of Lafayette, tlirew the 
weight of its influence in favor of Petion, and thus confirmed 
the power of the Jacobins and sealed its own destiny. " M. 
de Lafayette," said the queen to de Melville, minister of ma- 
rines, " only wished to be mayor of Paris, in order after- 
wards to be mayor of the palace. Petion is a Jacobin and 
a republican, but he is too great a fool ever to be capable 
of becoming the head of a party." 

But Lafayette did not long enjoy the retirement to which 
he had looked forward with hope and anxiety, as expressed 
in his letters to Gen. Washington, with whom he had regu- 
larly kept up a correspondence. The royalist emigrants, 
continually increasing in number, v/ere as.-sembling in hostile 
force upon the frontiers of the nation. The coalition of 
foreign powers against France was developing. These 
threatened dangers united the king and the Assembly (De- 
cember, 1791,) in measures of defence. Three armies of 
fifty thousand men each, were to be assembled on the Rhine, 
and Luckner, Rochambeau, and Lafayette, were the gener- 
als appointed to command them. The last name, when an- 
nounced to the Assembly, was received with applause. 
Lafayette repaired promptly to Paris, and appeared before 
the Assembly, where he was cordially received. Li ad- 
dressing him, the President remarked, that the natioji confi- 
dently opposed to its enemies, the constitution and Lafayette. 
" Battalions of the national guard (says Theirs) escorted 
him on leaving Paris, and every thing proved to him that 
the name of Lafayette was not forgotten, but that he was 
still regarded as one of the founders of liberty." 

"In a letter to Gen. Washington, dated at Head Quar- 
ters, Mentz, January 22, 1792, Lafayette said ; 

" This is a very different date from that which had an- 
riOunced to you my return to the sweets of private life ; a 
situation hitherto not very familiar to me, but which, after 
fifteen revolutionary years, I had become quite fit to enjoy. 
I have given you an account of the quiet and rural mode of 
living I had adopted in the mountains where I was born, 
h iving there a good house, and a late manor, now unlorded 
into a large farm, with an English overseer for my instruc- 
tion. I felt mys-elf very happy among my neitihbors, no 
more vassals to me nor any body, and had given to my wife 
and rising family the only quiet weeks they had enjoyed for a 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 251 

long time, when the threats and mad preparations of the re- 
fugees, and still more the countenance they had obtained in 
the dominions of oar neighbors, induced the National Assem- 
bly and the king to adopt a more rigoroiis system than had 
hitherto been the case." * * "I had refused every pub- 
lie employment, that had been offered by the people, and 
still more had I denied my consent to my being appointed 
to any military command ; but when I saw our liberties and 
constitution were seriously threatened, and my services could 
be usefully employed in fighting for our old cause, I could 
no longer resist the wishes of my countrymen ; and as soon 
as the king's express reached my farm, 1 set out for Paris ; 
from thence to this place ; and I do not think it uninterest- 
ing to you, my dear general, to add, that I was every where 
on the road affectionately welcomed." 

These measures, sanctioned by the king, with warm pro- 
testations to meet firmly the crisis of war, should the emi- 
grants and foreign powers persist in their hostile prepara- 
tions, revived confidence between the king and the nation. 
The question of war became the leading one in the Assem- 
bly. The Girondins, or moderate Jacobins, were in favor 
of war. The radio il Jacobins, with Robespierre, at their 
head, were opposed to it. They seemed to fear that war 
would give too many advantages to Lafayette, and finally 
ensure to him the military dictatorship. The Girondins, 
however, supposed, and several historians of the times have 
confirmed this supposition, that the Jacobins, being in the 
interests of the Duke of Orleans, and regarding Lafayette 
as his rival, or an obstacle to his designs, advocated peace, 
to deprive Lafayette of the reputation and influence v/hich, 
from his known valor and patriotism, war would inevitably 
ensure to him. 

In the mean time, (to quote again the authority of M. 
Theirs,) " Lafayette, young, active, and anxious to distin- 
guish himself in the service of his country, re-established 
discipline among his troops, and overcame all the difficulties 
raised by the ill will of the officers, who were the aristocrats 
of the army. He called them together, and addressing 
them in the language of honor, he told them they must quit 
the camp if they would not serve loyally ; that, if any of 
them wished to retire, he would undertake to procure for 
them pensions in France, or passports for foreign countries j 



25^ LIFB OP LAFAYETTE. 

but that, if they persisted in serving, he expected from them 
zeal and fidelity. In this manner, he contrived to intro- 
duce into his army better order than that which prevailed 
in any of the others." 

But, amidst the increasing indications of a foreign war, 
the reign of anarchy in the government of Prance, seemed 
as rapidly approaching. Duplicity governed the councils 
of the king, and factions, internal and external, influenced 
the Assembly. Of this state of things, Lafayette was pain- 
fully aware, and yet entertained hopes of a favorable 
change. Being called to Paris, to attend a conference with 
llie other generals and the ministers, Lafayette wrote to 
Gen. Washington, March 15, 1792, giving him a statement 
of affairs-. " You see, (he said in conclusion,) that although 
We have many causes to be as yet unsatisfied, we may hope 
every thing may become right. Licentiousness, under the 
mask of patriotism, is our greatest evil, as it threatens prop- 
erty, tranquihty, and liberty itself." 

War being at length declared against Austria, (April 20,) 
Lafayette was directed to perform the principal part in a 
precipitate plan of attack projected by the minister, Du- 
mouriez, against the Netherlands. Lafayette executed his 
orders with surprising activity, collecting the scattered 
corps of his army, and traversing a space of more than sixty 
leagues in six days. He was marching towards Namur, 
had encountered an energy's corps, and the firing had actu- 
ally begun, when news of the defection and retreat of twb 
detachments of Rochambeau's army, which were to co-ope- 
rate with him, made it necessary for him to retire. This 
he did, in good order, concentrating his forces in their for- 
mer position. And in this first effort of the armies of the 
constitution, " the army of Lafayette alone, (says Dumas,) 
attached to its general, had I'etained its discipline." Far 
different would probably have been the result of this first 
expedition, and the fate of the constitutional government, 
had the chief command been intrusted to Lafayette, as the 
most prudent friends of the nation desired. But through 
the influence of the court and the Jacobin factions, to each 
of whom Lafayette was a terror, the request v/as denied. 
Nor were the plans and advice of the brave Rochambeau, 
^vho had served with so much credit in America^ heeded by 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 253 

^he ambitious minister, at tiiat time the joint representative 
of the court and the Jacobin factions. 

The days of terror were rapidly approaching. The 
court, the king and the queen, the factions of the Assembly 
and of the clubs, in their jealousies and dissensions, their 
endeavors to thwart each other's designs, and to secure 
power for themselves, were accelerating the crisis. The 
infamous Marat, like a hungry wolf, prowling for prey, was 
urging on the populac6 to deeds of blood. Demouriez, the 
minister, after having induced the king to dismiss his col- 
leagues, am.ong whom was the celebrated Roland, was him- 
self compelled to resign. But such changes were of almost 
daily occurrence. The king was deprived of his guards, 
]]is constitutional powers disregarded, and his personal 
safety threatened. And yet, the queen and the court were 
obstinately bent on their counter-revolutionary projects. 
Some of the members of the constitutional party opened a 
correspondence with Lafayette, to induce him to exert his 
influence to stay the torrent which threatened to overwhelm 
ail that had been gained for liberty. Willing at all times 
to interpose his reputation and his life for rational freedom 
and the welfare of his country, Lafayette, on the 16th of 
June, 1792, addressed from his camp at Maubeuge, a letter 
to the president of the Legislative Assembly. " This doc- 
ument (says Dumas) must be considered as one of the most 
valuable we possess, because it characterises better than any 
other the true situation of France at that period." 

After bodily admonishing the Assembly, upon all subjects 
of vital interest to the country, he said : 

" Let the royal power be inviolate, for it is guaranteed by 
the constitution ; let it be independent, for this independence 
is one of the stays of our liberty ; let the king be revered, 
for he is invested with the majesty of the nation ; let him 
be able to choose a minister which wears the chains of no 
faction ; and if there are conspirators, let them not perish 
but under the sword of the law. 

" Lastly, let the reign of the clubs, annihilated by you, 
give way to the reign of the law ; their usurpations, to the 
firm and independent exercise of the constituted authorities ; 
their disorganizing maxims, to the principles of liberty ; 
their inseiisate fury, to the calm and constant courage of a 
nation which knows its rights and defends them ; lastly, 

23 



254 I-IFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

their sectarian combinations, to the real interests of the 
country, which, in this moment of danger, ought to unite 
all those who do not see in its subjugation and its ruin, the 
objects of attrocious enjoyments and an infamous specula- 
tion." 

In conclusion, he said :— - 

^' Gentlemen ! I have obeyed the voice of my conscience 
and my duty. I owed it to my country, to you, to the king, 
and above all to myself, whom the chances of war do not 
allow to delay the observations which I conceive to be use- 
ful^and who take pleasure in believing that the National 
Assembly will consider it as a new testimony of my devo- 
tedness to its constitutional authority, and of my personal 
gratitude and respect." * 

This letter was read in the Assembly on the 18th of June» 
It was listened to with respectful attention. It was warm- 
ly applauded by a large portion of the Assembly and re- 
ceived by the others without any marks of disapprobation. 
A motion to print it was carried ; but a motion to distrib- 
ute it to all the departments, aroused the hostility of the Ja- 
cobins, by whom the letter was bitterly denounced. Some 
members affected to "deny the authenticity of the letter. 
" Even if it were not signed," exclaimed one member, "none 
But M. de Lafayette could have written it." " The Assem- 
bly ought to receive, (said another,) from the lips of Lafay- 
ette truths which it had not dared to tell itself" It was= 
finally referred to a committee for the avowed purpose of 
verifying its authenticity. 

It was too late for an appeal so sincere, bold, and patri- 
otic, to have more than a momentary influence. On the 20th 
©f June, an immense armed mob collected in defiance of the 
prohibitions of the public authorities. The avowed object 
of the Jacobin leaders, was, to present petitions to the king 
and the Assembly. The account which is given of this 
insurrectionary movement, by M. Theirs, is pronounced to 
be correct by Count Dumas, who was an eye witness. It 
may convey to the reader a faint idea of those tempestuous- 
and bloody tumults which so frequently occurred during the 
further progress of the French revolution, until despotisni 

* For the whole of this interesting document, see Dumas' Memoirs^ 
©f the French Revolution, Vol. 1, p. 219, &.c^ 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 255 

put an end to anarchy. The Assembly was debating 
whether to admit the mob, which was already at its doors : 

" All at once, (says Theirs^) the petitioners rushed into the halL 
The Assembly-, indignant at the intrusion, rose ; the president put on 
his hat, and the petitioners quietly withdrew. The Assembly, gratified 
by this mark of respect, consented to admit them. 

" This petiti<?n, the tone of which was most audacious, expressed the 
prevailing idea of all the petitions of that period. 'The people are 
ready. They wait but for you. They are disposed to employ great 
means for carrying into execution Article 2 of the declaration of rights 
— resistance to oppression. .... Let the minority among you, 
'whose sentiments do not agree with ours, cease to pollute the land of 
liberty, and betake yourselves to Coblentz. Investigate the cause of 
the evils which tiireaten us. If it proceeds from the executive, let the 
executive be annihilated !' 

" The president, after a reply in which he promised the petitioners 
the vigilance of the representatives of the people, and recommended 
obedience to the laws, granted them in the name of the Assembly, per- 
mission to file oft" before it. The doors were then thrown open, and the 
mob, amounting at that moment to at least thirty thousand per- 
sons, passed through the hall. It is easy to conceive what the imagi- 
nation of the populace, abandoned to itself, is capable of producing. 
Enormous tables, upon which lay the declaration of rights, hea)ded the 
procession. Around these tables danced women and children-, bearing 
'olive-branches and pikes, that is to say, peace or war at the option of 
the enemy. They sang in chorus the famous Ca ira. Then came the 
porters of the markets, the working men of all classes, with wretched 
muskets, swords, and sharp pieces ot iron fastened to the end of thick 
bludgeons. Santerre and the Marquis de St. Hurugues, who had al- 
ready attracted notice on the 5th and 6th of October, marched with 
drawn swords at their head. Battallions of the national guard follow- 
ed in good order, to prevent tumuh by their presence. After them 
came women and more armed men. Waving flags were inscribed with 
the words, ' The constitution or death,' Ragged breeches were held 
up in the air with shouts of Vivent les $ans- calottes I Lastly, an at- 
trocious sign wns displayed to add ferocity to the v^himsicality of the 
spectacle. On the point of a pike was borne a calfs heart, with thia 
inscription ; • Heart of an aristocrat.' 

" Grief and indignation burst forth at this sight. The horrid emblem 
instantly disappeared, but was again exhibited at the gates of the Tu- 
ileries. The applause of the tribunes, the shouts of the people passing 
through the hall, the civic songs, the confused uproar, and the silence 
of the anxious Assembly, composed an extraordinary scene, and at the 
same time an afflicting one to the very deputies wlio view-ed ihe malti- 
tude as an auxiliarj^.''' 



256 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



CHAPTER XXV. 

Lafayette indignant at the outrages in Paris. Remonstrances of the 
array. Lafayette repairs to Paris. Appears before the Assembly. 
Denounces the Jacobins. Accused and defended. Received with 
coldness by the king and queen. Enthusiasm of the populace. La- 
fayette returns to the array. Concihation of factions in the Assem- 
bly. New outbreaks of the populace. Lafayette sees the approach 
of the tempest. His plan for the safety of the king and queen. Re- 
jected by them. Opposing project and views of Governeur Morris. 
The dethronement of the king proposed by the Jacobins. Accusa- 
tion against Lafayette. He is acquitted by the Assembly. Last 
gleam of justice. Fearful insurrection of the lOth August. Suspen- 
sion of the royal authority. Final imprisonment of the king and 
faraily. Account of these events by Theirs and Dumas. Lafayette 
refuses to acknowledge the Jacobin authorities. Causes the impris- 
onment of their commissioners. The Assembly declare Lafayette a 
traitor. Jacobinism infects the armies. Luckner and Dumouriez 
submit. Lafayette leaves France. His arrest and imprisonment in 
Austria and Prussia. 

Lafayette received the account of these outrages with 
pain and indignation. The great majority of the army 
participated in his sentiments and feelings, and addresses 
expressive of their indignation, were presented to him from 
several of his regiments. To thes« he put a stop in an order 
of the day, in which he promised to express in person the 
feelings of the whole army. With the concurrence of Gen. 
Luckner, his superior in command, after taking precau- 
tions that his absence should not be detrimental to the mili- 
tary operations, he hastened to Paris, to confirm before the 
Legislative Assembly, what he had written on the 16th, and 
to confront, for the sake of liberty and order, the greatest 
dangers. He arrived in Paris on the 28th of June, and the 
same day appeared before the Assembly. An immense con- 
course had repaired hither, learning his arrival, and antici- 
pating his presence. Lafayette in the first place explained 
the motives of his coming. It had been asserted that his 
letter of the 16th was not written by himself: he came to 
avow it, and to repeat its sentiments, in his own name, and 
in behalf of his brave army, who were already asking them- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 2§t- 

st'ives '^' if it is really the cause of liberty and the constitU" 
tioii that they are defending." He concluded his speech in 
the following terms : " I beseech the National Assembly to 
order that the instigators of the crimes and acts of violence 
committed in the Tuileries on the 20th of June, be prosecu- 
ted and punished as guilty of treason to the nation ; to de- 
stroy a sect which usurps the sovereignty, tyrannizes over 
the citizens, and whose public debates leave no doubt of the 
atrocity of the projects of those who direct them. Lastlyj 
I venture to beseech you, in my name, and in the name of 
all honest people in tlie kingdom, to take effectual measures 
to ensure respect to the constituted authorities, especially 
your own and that of the king, and to give the army the as.^ 
aurance that the constitution shall not receive any injury in 
the interior, while the brave French lavish their blood in 
defence of the frontiers." 

Lafayette v/as admitted to the honors of the sitting, 
amidst the applause of a large portion of the Assembly. 
But his speech was immediately attacked by the leaders of 
the factions. Guadet, in his ironical manner, asked if the 
Austrian army was beaten. " No," said he, *' our enemies 
•are still the same — our external situation has not changedy 
and yet the general of our armies is at Paris." He accus- 
ed Lafayette of coming to dictate to the Assembly, and. 
moved an inquiry as to his culpability, and the propriety of 
prohibiting generals commanding an army from presenting, 
petitions at the bar of the Assembly, 

Raymond, a patriot delegate, answered. He referred to, 
the armed multitude which had been permitted, on the 20th 
of the same month, to appear at the bar, and march through 
the hall of the Assembly. '• Now, (said he,) M. Lafayette-j 
who has given to the nation as security his whole fortune, 
his whole life, a reputuation of more value than life and 
fortune, appears at tlie bar, and suspicions and alarm are. 
expressed, and passions are unchained." R.aymond, after 
justifying the step taken by Lafayette, and the measures he 
had adopted to avert the public danger, proposed that his 
petition should be referred to the extraordinary committee, 
which should deliberate on the matter, and report in as 
short a time as possible. Priority was given to this propG-= 
sition over that of Guadet, and it was adopted by the A£- 
-semblv. 



258 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Lafayette left the Assembly, surrounded by a numerous 
train of deputies and soldiers of the national guards, his old 
companions in arms. He repaired to the palace, and was 
received with indifference. Theirs says with coldness, by 
the king and queen. But Lafayette was nevertheless desir- 
ous of making an effort to unite the old national guards, 
and to arrest at once the violent measures of the Jacobins. 
The king was next day to have reviewed four thousand men 
of the national guards. Lafayette asked permission to ac- 
company him, apprising him at the same time of his inten- 
tion, as soon as his majesty had, retired of addressing the 
troops. But the court did every thing in its, power to thwart 
Lafayette, and Petion^ the mayor, countermanded the re- 
view an hour before daylight. "On leaving the Tuileries 
(says Theirs) a numerous concourse escorted him to his 
residence shouting " Long live Lafayette !" and even plant- 
ed a May [liberty pole] before his gate. These demonstra- 
tions of old attachment touched the general and intimidated 
the Jacobins." He was unable, however, from the duplici- 
ty of the court, and the distracted views of the constitution- 
alists, to turn these generous feelings to the advantage of 
bis country. Lafayette, therefore, after remaining, to the 
great terror of the Jacobins, oce day longer in Paris, re- 
turned to his army. 

Fickleness and change, frequent alterations of the better 
and baser passions, characterized the period. On the 7th 
of July, after a stormy session in the Assembly, the Bishop 
of Lyons closed an eloquent appeal in fevor of harmony in 
the support of constitutional freedom, as follows : " Let us 
swear to have but one spirit, but one sentiment. Let us 
swear everlasting fraternity ! Let the enemy know that 
what we will, we all will, and the country is saved !" 

These generous sentiments of the Bishop were applauded 
by the Assembly. *' Amidst universal acclamations (says 
Theirs) they devoted to public execration any project for 
changing the constitution, either by two chambers or by a 
republic ; and the members rushed from the opposite bench- 
es to embrace one another. Those who had attacked and 
those who had defended Lafayette, the veto, the civil list, the 
factions^ and the traitors, were clasped in each other's arms» 
All distinctions ceased ; there was no longer any right or 
leftside, and all the members sat indiscriminately together." 



LIFE. OF LAFAYETTE. 259 

" It was immediately decided) that they should inform the 
provinces, the army, and the king, of this happy event." 

The king, on being apprised by the deputation^ hastened 
to the Assembly, and expressed in person his satisfaction 
at this reconciliation. But, alas I for human instability ! 
Scarcely a day passed before the old animosities returned ; 
and mutual jealousies and denun;ciations were renewed. 
The insurrectionary spirit became more general and vio. 
lent. The king considered hirehself in great personal dan- 
ger, and took precaution to guard against poison and the 
daggeri But litis dangers were of a more formidable na* 
ture^-4he weapons he had to encounter were more potent 
than insidious poison or the assassin's dagger : they were 
the whirlwind of popular fury, and the forms of law admin^ 
istered by judges predetermined upon conviction,. 

Lafayette saw the rapid approaches of the impending^ 
tempest. And notwithstanding the weakness of the king, 
the wickedness.of the court, and the ingratitude with whicl* 
he continued to be treated by both, he made one more effort 
to avert the fatal catastrophe which threatened, by remov- 
ing the king for a time beyond the influence of the infuria*- 
ted populace of Paris. 

He proposed that the king should in open, day repair to= 
the Assembly, and announce his intention of spending some 
days at Compiegne. For this jourtiey Lafayette was to 
provide a safe conduct ; and when at Compeigne, the king 
was to be protected by the national guards of that place,. asiid 
two regiments under Gea. Latour IMaubourgv. He was 
there, in- perfect freedom and safety, to declare for the con- 
stitution and interpose his influence and authority against the 
emigrants and foreign invaders of the country. Though the 
king was strongly solicited by some of his friends, to place 
confidence in Lafayette, the sinister advice of the counter- 
revolutionists prevailed, and the proposal of Lafayette was 
rejected. When the queen was asked, by what strange in- 
fatuation she and the king had come to such a decision, she 
replied, that they were very grateful for Lafayette's inten- 
tion, " but," she added, " the best thing that could happen 
to us, would, be, to be confined two months in a tower !" 
The queen is said also to have remarked : " It would be toa 
much to owe our lives once more to Lafayette." 

It appears from, the memoirs of Governeur Morris, Ihea 



260 LirS OF LAFAYETTB. 

minister of the United States to France, that a^plan for the 
escape of the royal family, more congenial to the views and 
purposes of the royalists, was at the saine time in progress. 
Mr. Morris himself, whose political views were axiyerse to 
those of Lafayette,, and. congenial v^^th those of the court, 
wa?^ accessary t<3^.this piao ; and the king's money was in- 
trusted to his keeping, it is probable that Lafayette's pro{)^ 
osition was discountenanced by Mr. Morris, and that h& 
had no small influence in causing its rejection^ His own, 
or that iPx which he bore a part, was exploded by the insure 
rectionary events cf the lOlh of August. Mr. Morris thus 
relates in bis Diary a previous conversation (June 29) 
v/ith Lafayette, in wdiich their respective politiCcii views are 
indicated : I observed t-o him, that he must soon return to 
Ids army, or go to Orleans ; and that h.e must deternriine to 
fight for a. good constitution, or for tirat v/retched piece of 
paper v/hich bears the name ; (hat in six weeks it will be- 
too late. Fie asks what I mean by a good constitution, 
whether it be aa aristocratie one I I answer yes. and that 
1 presume he has lived long enoagh in the present style to. 
see, that a popular government is good lor nothing in 
France.. He says that he wislies for the American consti^. 
tution, but a hereditary executive, i reply, that in that 
case the monarch must be too strong, and must be checked 
by a hereditary Senate. He says, it goes hard with him to 
give up that point. Here ends our colloquy.'" Mr. Mor^ 
ris had previously discountenanced the king's reliance upoa 
Lafayette's project of appealing to ihe patriotism of the na- 
lional guards. *' I tell him (June 28) that Lafayette's visr 
it can produce nothing, and that he must exert himself 
to bring forvv'ard the Picards.'^ Mr. Ptiorris enjoyed the 
confidence of the king and court. Lafayette did not. It 
was none to his discredit. Ryt, bet-^veen tl'.e. rntrigue ci- 
the royalists, and the madness of the anarchists, his patri- 
otic deiiigns were frustrated. 

Li the mean time the plans of the J-acobins were ripening 
into, insurrection ; and the deposition of the king was. 
openly advocated in the Assembly. On the 3d of August, 
Petion, the mayor of Paris, presented a petition, in behalf 
of the 48 sections, proposing in their name, the dethrone- 
ment of the king. It was a preliminary, and a primary 
©bject with the faction.istS; to destroy the cliaracter and 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 3G1 

influence of Lafayette. The report of the committee of 
twelve, was demanded and made, and furnished no cause of 
accusation. The Jacobin orators in the Assembly denoun- 
ced Lafayette in the most bitter terms, and endeavored to 
hurry through a decree for an impeachment. They had 
obtained from Marshal Luckner, some declarations which 
they construed into an admission, that Lafayette had pro- 
posed to him to march the army upon Paris. Bureau de 
Puzy, chief of Lafayette's staff, was called to the bar of the 
Assembly, to testify. He boldly and ably defended Lafay- 
ette from the aspersions of his enemies. In conclusion, he 
defied his calumniators to resist the truths which he had 
just declared : " Without an}^ arms but truth," said he, "I 
will attack them, and after stripping them of their hypocrit- 
ical garb of probity and patriotism, under which they dis- 
guise themselves, I will deliver them naked in all their de- 
formity to the indignation of honest men/' Marshal Luck- 
ner, at the same time addressed a letter to the Assembly, 
contradicting the declarations imputed to him upon which 
the denunciations against Lafayette had been founded. 
He declared that Lafayette had never proposed to him di- 
rectly or indirectly, to march against Paris ; he repelled 
these odious calunmies, and ascribed to his slender knowl- 
edge of the French language the false inferences that had 
been drawn from his conversations. 

On the yth of August, after a violent speech from Bris- 
sot, which concluded by demanding, that the Assembly 
should immediately pronounce the decree of impeachment 
against Lafayette, the vote was taken : For the impeach- 
ment 224 ; against it 406 — majority 182. Justice, for the 
last time in that Assembly, prevailed. 

" It waS: (says Dumas in his memoirs) a last and deceitful ray of hope. 
The torch of truth was on the point of being extinguished. As soon 
as the decree was pronounced, and the sitting closed, cries of rage and 
imprecations burst from the galleries, and were repeated by the tumul- 
tuous crowd who surrounded the hall and obstructed all access to it. 
The deputies whom the factions had chiefly remarked during the de- 
bate, and whom, they pointed out to the assassins, were insulted, at- 
tacked, pursued out of the hall in different directions. Dumolard, Vau- 
blanc, Daverhoult, Quatremere, Froudiere, with difficulty took refuge 
in the guardhouse of the court of the palace royal, and found no other 
means of escaping the popular rage tlian by getting out ot a window. 
I too had my share in this ill-usage. I was going out by the narrow 
passage wl\ich led from, the hall to the convent of the Capuchins, where 



Wt LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

•cur bureaux were situated, when I was surrounded by a grotip of mar- 
ket women. Trodden under foot by these furies, I should have perish- 
■ed under their blows, if Girardin, who followed me, and called to my 
assistance two door-keepers of the Assembly, had not freed me by 
dragging me by the legs out of the passage. During this struggle, an 
individual whom I will not name, and who, in the mutual massacre of 
the terrorists, afterwards perished on the scaffold, encouraged these 
women. 

" I heard him say distinctly, ' It is he ! it is Dum.as !' I mus't also 
say that some of our most ardisjit adversaries, placing us between them, 
favored our departure. I concealed as well as I could the disorder of 
m.y head-dress and of my torn clothes, and took refuge in the depot of 
the war-ofEce, of which I was still director, and which I had caused to 
be transferred from Versailles to the house of M. Deville, in the Place 
Vendome, near the Chancery."' 

On the 10th of August, 1792, took place that fearful iii- 
eurrection for which Dantun, Murat, Robespierre, and their 
subordinate spirits, had been preparing the populace of Pa- 
ri.s. The palace of the Tuileries was surrounded by an 
infuriate mob. Louis the XV"! was insulted and threatened 
by the very troops assembled for his defence. Maudat, the 
commandant of the national guards was assassinated. 
The king and royal family repaired for refuge to the Na= 
iional Assembly. The palace was assailed and finally cap. 
tured by the mob. The Swiss guard, and others who re- 
sisted, were massacred. The siiouts of victory were rais* 
ed ; the mob, into.xicated with joy and fury, burst open the 
doors of the Assembly, and the halls were filled with the 
spoils of tlie palace. For fifteen hours, the king and royal 
family, confined to the narrow box of a reporter, witnessed 
these scenes, and listened to the demands made upon the 
Assembly for the dethronement of the king, and to the de« 
bates thereon. At length a decree was adopted, suspending 
the royal authority and convoking a convention to decide 
the question of the king's dethronement. The king and his 
family were soon consigned to the temple, which was coo- 
verted by outworks into a kind of fortress. Here they were 
strongly guarded, and no one was allowed to enter without 
permission from the municipality. Here they were con- 
fined until led forth to the guillotine. 

It is not our purpose to give a connected history of this 
eventful period. It comes only within our limiits and legit- 
imate objects, to notice briefly those events with which La- 
fayette was connected, or which influenced his action. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 26 S 

Count DumaSj whom we have before quoted, bears witness 
to the correctness of the narrative of M. Theirs, particular- 
ly as to the events of the 10th of August, and those connec- 
ted therewith. To this writer "vve refer for the interesting 
and [heart-rending details of the commencement and pro- 
gress of the Reign of Terror, which here had its bloody be- 
ginning. We add, however, in conformity with our object 
above mentioned, two extracts from these writers. 

" After the work of slaughter [at the palace, states M. Theirs] fol- 
lowed that of devastation. The magnificent furniture was dashed in 
pieces, and the fragments scattered far and wide. The rabble penetra- 
ted into the private apartments of the queen and indulged in the most 
obscene mirth. They pried into the most secret recesses, ransacked 
every depository of papers, broke open every lock,, and enjoyed the two-- 
fold gratification of curiosity and destruction. To the horrors of mur- 
der and pillage were added those of conflagration. The flames having 
already consumed the sheds contiguous to the outer courts, began to- 
spread to the edifice, and threatened that imposing abode of royalty 
with complete ruin. The desolation was not confined t-o the melan-' 
eholy circuit of the palace ; it extended to a distance. The streets 
were strewed with wrecks of furniture and dead bodies. Every one 
who fled, or was supposed to be fleeing, was treated as an enemy, pur- 
sued and fired at. An almost incessant report of muaketry succeeded 
that of the cannon, and was every moment the signal of fresh murders."' 

" The Place Vendome (says Dumas) was filled with the crowd which 
followed the wretches with heads on their pikes. Above all, I beheld 
with horror very young men, even children, x>loyi'>ig ivith heads, throrc- 
ing them into the air, and receiving them on the ends of sticks. This 
passed but a short time before the discharge of fire-arms in the attack 
and assault of the palace of the Tuileries. ****** A lit- 
tle later, in the midst of the tumult, we saw the famous Teroigne, on 
horseback, in a scarlet riding habit, followed by a great number of 
workmen, carrying ropes and all s&rts of tools. She rode round the 
statue of Louis XIV, insulting the great monarch, and crying, ' Fall, 
tyrant.' The iron railing which surrounded the pedestal was torn away 
in an instant ; they scaled and put ropes round the head, neck, and 
eroup of the horse ; they made long and fruitless exertions, but it wa& 
not until the next day, after they had defaced the pedestal and filed the 
screws and the fastenings, that they could move the mass. It fell on 
the pavement, and was broken in several pieces." 

No wonder that the first impulse of Lafayette, on receiv- 
ing the news of these horrid events, was resistance. The 
Assembly had promptly sent three commissioners, to an- 
nounce the new order of things to the army, and to obtain 
their adhesion to the new authorities. These commission- 
ers, on arriving at Sedan, the head quarters af Lafayette^ 



264 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Were imprisoned by the nTunicipalities of that place, by the 
directions of Lafliyette, as the instruments of faction, which 
had intimidated by violence the National Assembly and the 
kino-. His army, and the authorities of Sedan, renewed their 
oath to the constitution. On learning the imprisonment of 
these commissioners, the Assembly, greatly exasperated, 
and influenced by the self-constituted municipal authorities 
of the Jacobins, sent other commissioners to demand the lib- 
eration of those who had been imprisoned ; and, on the morn- 
hig of the l9th of August, declared Lafayette a traitor to 
the country, and passed a decree of accusation against him. 
In the mean time, the agents of the Jacobins had suc- 
ceeded in diffusing the spirit of that faction, under the spe- 
cious name of republicanism, among the soldiers and the 
subordinate officers of the armies. Luckner and Dumouriez, 
the associate generals of Lafayette, had yielded-. The civil 
authorities, being intimidated, submitted to the new com- 
missioners. What remained for Lafayette to do? Sub- 
mission to the new authorities, would have been yielding 
his life to his enemies, and the enemies of constitutional 
liberty. A furtiier resistance would have involved his coun- 
try in civil war. The officers and soldiers of his army 
would have sustained their general. The friends of order 
might have rallied around him. But as the champion of 
liberty, he could not have succeeded. The wild impulses 
of the period were towards a different gaol. He could have 
conquered only, as Napoleon did in after time, in the char- 
acter of a military despot. Romance arid enthusiasm may 
regret here, the absence of a catastrophe. Had Lafayette 
rushed forward, to die or conquer, it would have been more 
congenial with what the world calls heroism. But his 
country's good was ever with him the ruling motive. He 
sought not conquest or glory. The name of Lafayette will 
be remembered and revered, while that of Napoleon will be 
condemned or forgotten. Lafayette had done all, short of 
the sacrifices of life and the consistency of a virtuous char- 
acter, which he could do for his country. 

" Who does the best his circumstance allows. 
Does well, acts nobly — angels could no more." 

He therefore resolved to leave France, for a time, in hopes 
that the madness of faction would soon subside, and more 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 265 

favorable circumstances admit of his return. Placino- eve- 
ry thing in order in the army, and taking care to make the 
necessary dispositions in case of attack, he left the army on 
the morning of the 20th, and directed his way across the 
enemy's posts towards Holland, with the purpose of thence 
proceeding to the United States, his second country. 

" Lafayette was under the necessity, (he states,) of observing the 
greatest secrecy in his departure, in order to avoid increasing the num- 
ber of his companions in exile, who consisted only of Latoiir Maubourg 
and his two brothers, Bureau de Puzy, his aids-de-camp, and staff offi- 
cers in the Parisian nationol guard, and some friends, exposed to car- 
tain death in consequence of their participation in his la^t efforts against 
■anarchy. Fifteen officers of different ranks accompanied him. On ar- 
riving at Rochefort, where the party (considerably reduced in number) 
were stopped. Bureau de Puzy, was compelled to go forward and ob- 
tain a pass from General Moitelle, in command at Naraur. He set out 
accordingly, but, before he could utter a syllable of explanation, that 
general exclainred, ' What, Lafayette 1 Lafayette ? — Run instantly 
and inform the Duke of Bourbon of it — Lafayette ?— Set out this mo- 
ment/ addressing one of his officers, and carry this news to his royai 
highness at Brussels ;' and on he went, muttering to himself the word 
' Lafayette.' It was not until he had given orders to write to all the 
princes and generals he could think of, that Puzy could put in his re- 
quest for a pass, which was of course refused." 

Lafayette and his companions, in contravension of all the 
laws of nations, were treated as prisoners by the Austrian 
authorities. Liberty was indeed offered to Lafayette, on 
condition of recanting, not all of his opinions, but that rela- 
tive to the abolition of the nobility. He refused all com- 
promise of the kind ; and was consigned alternately to the 
dungeons of Prussia and Austria, in rigid and cruel confine- 
ment, for nearly five years. During this period, these mon- 
archs and their minions of cruelty, refused all appeals for 
the liberation of Lafayette, under the pretext that " his lib- 
erty was incompatible with the safety of the present gov- 
ernments of Europe." Sir Walter Scott, who in many re- 
spects does injustice to Lafayette, thus speaks of his arrest 
and imprisonment : " This conduct on the part of the mon- 
archs, however irritated they might be by the recollection 
of some part of Lafayette's conduct in the outset of the rev- 
olution, was neither ^to be 'vindicated by morality, the law 
of nations, nor the rules of sound policy. * * * Even 
if he had been amenable for a crime against his own coun- 
trv, we know not what right Austria and Prussia had to 

33 



^^6 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

take cognizance of it. To them he was a mere prisoner of 
war and nothing further. Lastly, it is very seldom that a 
petty and vindictive line of policy can consist with the real 
interests either of great princes or private individuals. In 
this present case the arrest of Lafayette was peculiarly the 
fContrary." 

At Luxemburg, an attempt was made by a party of roy- 
alist emigrants, to assassinate Lafayette. From Luxem- 
burg, Lafayette and his companions were conveyed to Wes- 
sel, in Prussia, and imprisoned. He was there dangerously 
ill. While in a state of debility, he was offered, by direction 
of the king of Prussia, an amelioration of his imprisonmentj 
provided he would give plans for military operations against 
France. This base proposal Lafayette rejected with indig- 
nation. He was then treated with increased severity. 
Soon after, the prisoners were conveyed in a cart to Mag- 
deburg. In this prison Lafayette was confined in a dark, 
damp and narrow dungeon, surrounded by high pallisades, 
and closed by four massive gates, fastened by iron bolts and 
chains. His three friends, Latour Maubourg, Bureau de 
Puzy, and Alexander Lameth shared a similar fate. At 
the end of a year, they were transferred to Neiss. Shortly 
after, on the conclusion of peace between Prussia and 
France, Lameth, at the intercession of friends, was set at 
liberty. Lafayette was deemed a prize of too much impor- 
tance, and too dangerous to despotism, to be set free. He 
was, therefore, with Maubourg and Puzy, delivered over by 
the King of Prussia to the Austrian government, and trans- 
ferred to the prison at Olmutz. They were consigned to 
separate and close cells, on entering which, each of them 
was given to understand, that " they would never for the 
future see more than these four surrounding walls ; that 
they would receive no information about things or persons ; 
and their jailors were prohibited from pronouncing their 
names, and that, in the government dispatches, they would 
be referred to merely by their numbers ; that they never 
would have the satisfaction of knowing the situation of their 
families, or their reciprocal existence ; and that, as such a 
situation naturally incited to suicide, knives, forks, and ev- 
ery means of destruction, were to be withheld from them." 
From these rigid and barbarous rules, there was for a long 
time little relaxation^ 



i;2*"E OF LAFAYETTE. 267 



CHAPTER XXVr. 

Sympathies in favor of Lafayette. Efforts for his liberation. Gener-= 
ous exertions of Governeur Morris. Eloquent appeal of Madame de 
Stael. Feelings and personal exertions of General Washington. 
Fate of Madame Lafayette. Her letters and appeals to President 
Washington. His answers. Popular feeling in the United States 
in favor of a commission to demand the release of Lafayette. Colo- 
nel M'Henry solicits the appointment. Efforts in behalf of Lafay- 
ette in Europe. Masclet and his associates. Bollman and Huger's 
enterprise for the escape of Lafayette. Its partial success. The es- 
cape. Their capture and imprisonment. Lafayette treated with 
increased severity. Bollman and Huger released. Their efforts in 
tlie United States. Gen. Washington declines acting officially. 
Renews his personal efforts. Writes to Mr. Pinckney. His letter 
to the Emperor of Germany. 

Meanwhile, the fate of Lafayette excited throughout 
Europe and America the sympathy and indignation of the 
friends of freedom. To Mr. Short, the resident Minister of 
the United States at the Hague, Lafayette had, on his first 
detention, addressed a letter, requesting to be demanded of 
the Austrian authorities as an American citizen. Mr. 
Short wrote immediately to Mr. Pinckney, American min- 
ister in England, and Mr. Morris, in France, stating the 
facts of the case, and requesting their advice and co-opera- 
tion. All agreed that they had no authority to act official- 
ly in his behalf; but each individually, during the whole 
period of the captivity of Lafayette, did all that he could to 
alleviate his sufferings and procure his liberation. Gov- 
erneur Morris, who, as we have before stated, was opposed 
to the political views of Lafayette, pursued a prompt, gen- 
erous, and honorable course, in this unfortunate crisis. 
Learning that Lafayette, while in the prison of Magdeburg, 
was distressed for money, Mr. Morris, on his own responsi. 
bility, directed the banker of the United States, at Ham- 
burg, to. advance him ten thousand florins; which was after- 
wards allowed bj/ the government, under the head of military 
compensation to Lafayette. To Madame Lafayette also 
while she was confined by order of the French authorities- 



268 LIFE OF LAFAYETTEi 

to her residence at Chevaniac, Mr. Morris loaned from his 
private funds one hundred thousand livres. He drew for 
her a petition to the King of Prussia, in which she is made 
to say, "He in whose favor I implore the mercy of your 
majesty, has never known crime. Faithful to his king, 
when he could no longer be of service to him, he left France. 
At the moment when he was made prisoner, he was cross- 
ing the low countries to take refuge in America. He be- 
lieved himself under protection of the law of nations, and he 
trusted to it with so much the more confidence, as the gen- 
erous sentiments of your majesty were not unknown to him. 
I may perhaps be blind to the character of a beloved hus- 
band, but I cannot deceive myself in being persuaded that 
your majesty will grant the prayer of an unhappy woman.'' 
When Madame Lafayette was brought up to Paris and im- 
prisoned, Mr. Morris interceded with the authorities in her 
behalf; and it was her belief that she owed her life to this 
intercession. 

After he was superseded by Mr.. Monroe, as minister in 
France, Mr. Morris travelled through the north of Europe ; 
and while at Vienna, made an effort; to procure the libera- 
tion of Lafayette, then confined at Olmutz. In an inter- 
yiew with the Baron de Thugut, Prime Minister of the Em- 
peror of Austria, M. Thugut (Mr. M. states in his diary) 
contradicted the account of the ill treatment of Lafayette, 
and expressed a wish that they had never had any thing to 
do with him. " I solicit (says Mr. M.) his release, but find 
that it is in vain. He says that probably he will be dis- 
charged at the peace. To which I reply, that I never had 
any doubt of that, * * * but that I wish it were done 
sooner ; and add, that I am sure it would have a very good 
effect in England, giving my reasons. He says, if Eng- 
land will ask for him, they will be very glad to get rid of 
him in that way, and that they may, if they please, turn 
him loose in London. This conversation Mr. Morris com- 
!>iunicated to Lord Greenville, and urged it upon the British 
government to act upon the hint, and procure the liberation 
of Lafayette. But England connived at, if she did not in.- 
stigate his unjust detention. 

It may, however, be just to record, that Mr. Morris was 
encouraged, if not influenced, in his efforts to procure the 
liberation of Lafayette, by the eloquent appeals in his be.. 



Lire OP LAfAYETTl:* 2^9 

half of Madame de Stael, the celebrated daughter of Necker. 
In her first letter to Mr. Morris, she says : " What I have 
to task of you is so much in accordance with your own feel- 
ing, that my letter will only repeat to you their dictates in 
poorer expressions. You are travelling through Germany, 
and whether on a public mission or not, you have influ- 
ence; for they are not so stupid as not to consult a man 
like you. Open the prison door of M. de Lafayette. Yoil 
have already saved his wife from death; deliver the whole 
family. Pay the debt of your coiantry. What greater ser- 
vice can any one render to his native land, than to dis- 
chare her obligations of gratitude ? Is there any severer 
calamity, than that which has befallen Lafayette ? Does 
any more glaring injustice attract the attention of Europe ? 
I speak to you of glory, yet I know a more elevated senti- 
ment is the motive of your conduct." 

General Washington, then President of the United States, 
W'as deeply afflicted on learning the misfortune of his friend 
and companion in arms. Before he had ascertained what 
had become of Madame Lafayette, and with the principal 
view of being informed of her residence and circumstances, 
he wrote to her, (Jan. 31, 1793.) " If I had words, (he said,) 
that would convey to you arL adequate idea of my feelings 
on the present situation of the Marquis de Lafayette,- this 
letter would appear to you in a different garb." He inform- 
ed Madame Lafayette, that he had deposited in the hands of 
a banker in Amsterdam, subject to her orders, a sum in Hol- 
land currency, equal to two hundred guineas. " This sum 
(he added) is, I am certain, the least I am indebted for ser- 
vices rendered to me by the Marquis de Lafayette, of which 
I never yet have received the account. I could add much ; 
but it is best, perhaps, that I should say little on this sub- 
ject. Your goodness will supply the deficiency." 

Soon after this letter was written. President Washington 
received one from Madame Lafayette, dated at Chevaniac, 
October 8th, 1792, in which she describes the situation of 
Lafayette and herself, and thus eloquently and feelingly 
pleads in his behalf :—=. 

" He was taken by the troops of the Emperor, although the King of 
Prussia retains him a prisoner in his dominions. And while he sutlers 
this inconceivable persecution from the enemies without, the faction 
which reigns within keeps me a hostage at one hundred and twenty 

23* 



270 ilFE OF LAFAYExTf. 

leagues from the capital. Judge then at what distance I am from him. 
In this abyss of misery, the idea of owing to the United States and to- 
Washington the life and liberty of M. de Lafayette kindles a ray of 
hope in my heart. 1 hope every tiling from the goodness oi the people 
with whom he has set an example of that liberty, of which he is now 
made the victim. And shall I dare speak what I hope 1 I would agk 
of them through you for an envoy, who shall go to reclaim him in the 
name of the republic of the United States wheresoever he may be found, 
and who shall be authorized to make with the power, in whose charge 
he may be placed, all necessary engagements for his release, and for 
taking him to the United States, even if he is there to be guarded as a 
captive. If his wife and his children ceuld be comprised in this mis- 
sion, it is easy to judge how happy it would be for her and for them ; 
but, if this would in the least degree retard or embarrass the measure, 
we will defer still longer the happiness of a re-T?.nion. May heaven 
deign to bless the confidence with which it has inspired me. I hope 
my request is not a rash one. Accept the homage of the sentiments, 
which have dictated this letter, as well as ttiat of attachment and ten- 
der respect." 

To this letter General Washington replied, March 16th, 
1793. He expressed the deepest sympathy in the privation 
of Madame Lafayette, and ardent desires, in the sincerity 
of friendship, for Lafayette's relief; "in which sentiment 
(he said) I know that my fellow citizens participate." He 
expressed a doubt, however, whether the measures she inti- 
mated were those which he could pursue, or which were 
likely to succeed ; " but be assured (he said) that I am not 
inattentive to his condition, nor contenting myself with in- 
active wishes for his liberation." 

Disappointed in not receiving a reply to her first letter 
as soon as she expected, Madame Lafayette wrote again to 
General Washington, from Chevaniac, March 13, 1793. 
She recapitulated the account of her own situation, and that 
of Lafayette. *' But I confess (she said) that your silence, 
and the abandonment of M. de Lafayette and family for the 
last six months, are, of all our evils, the most inexplicable 
to me." " I can do nothing for him. I can neither receive 
a line from him, or write one to him. Such is the manner 
in which I am treated." And she expressed a belief, that 
Lafayette could only be released through the interferance 
of the United States. 

President Washington was pained and embarrassed by 
the appeals thus made to him. He answered, as he had 
done before, briefly and kindly; and to Mr. Jefferson, Sec- 
retary of State, who was about writing to Mr, Morris, he 



LWE OV LAFAYETTE, 2Tl" 

said: ^'If it has not been done in a former letter, it would 
be agreeable to me, that Mr. Morris sliould be instructed to 
neglect no favorable opportunity of expressing, injormally^ 
the sentiments and wishes of this country respecting the 
Marquis de Lafayette ; and I pray you to commit to paper, 
in answer to the enclosed letter from Madame Lafayette, alV 
the consolation I can with propriety give, consistent with 
my public character and the national policy, circumstanced 
as things are." 

Popular feeling was strong in the United States in favor 
of a mission, such as had been suggested by Madame La- 
fayette, to require from the Austrian government Lafayette V 
release: and Co). McHenry, who had been the aid of La- 
fayette, applied to President Washington for the appoint- 
ment, feelingly urging, at the same time, the propriety of the ■ 
measure. " I perceive (said he) by the act of Congress for 
discharging his pay during the war, the new obligation you 
have laid upon your unfortunate friend. If it is possible to 
go beyond pecuniary aid, or so far as to restore him to lib^ 
erty and his family, how would he rejoice to owe that bless- 
ing to the man he loves best on earth ; and what sublime 
pleasure to me to be an humble instrument of its accom- 
plishment. The friendship he has a] ways expressed for mej 
the friendship I feel for him, a conviction of the patriotism 
of his principles and the purity of his motives, the esteem 
in which he is still held by America, a remembrance of the 
moment and his youth when he embarked in our cause, all 
conspire to make such a project peculiarly interesting to the 
feelinu^ heart." 

President Washington, however, did not deem such a step ^ 
advisable or consistent with the neutral position of the gov- 
ernment of the United States. But in answer to Colonel 
McHenry he said, " 1 have only to add, and that in confi- 
dence, that every thing which friendship requires, and 
which I could do without committing my public character, 
or involving this country in embarrassments, is and has- 
been for some time in train, though the result is as yet un- 
known." 

Among the generous spirits in Europe, who interested 
themselves for Lafayette, was Joseph Masclet, then a pro- 
scribed resident in England. His efforts, and those of his- 



2lli LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 

associates are thus related by Cioquet^ in his "Private 
Life of Lafayette :" 

" IVTasclet was not personally acquainted with Lafayette,, and had 
never even seen him ; but he shared his political principles and admir- 
ed his virtues. He was indignant at the perfidious conduct of a gov- 
ernment, which, contrary to the rights of nations and the laws of hu- 
manity, detained such a man a prisoner, and still more indignant 
ao-ainst his own country, which permitted such an action, or rather, 
forget the most virtuous of her citizens. Having retired with his wife 
to a country-seat near London, he constantly wrote against the deten- 
tion of Lafayette, and published his numerous articles in the Morning 
Chronicle, and in the Dutch and Hamburg journals. He had adopted 
the Greek name of Eleuthere, (freeman,) with which he signed his 
writing in favor of Lafayette. No difficulty, no danger, could deter 
him in the pursuit of this virtuous, patriotic undertaking. He connec- 
ted himself with the opposition members of the British Parliament, and 
associated in his plans for Lafayette's deliverance the friends in whom 
he reposed most confidence. He made the people of England speak 
out in reprobation of France, who was indifterent to the unjust captivi- 
ty of the first of her citizens, and of his noble family, who had buried 
themselves along v/ith him in the dungeons of Olmutz. Masclet, who, 
as I have just observed, had obtained the assistance of active and intel- 
ligent agents, ended by establishing a correspondence with the prison- 
ers, which, though not regular, acquainted him with their situation,, 
their mode of life, and the ill treatment to which they were subject. 
He was informed of the steps taken by them to obtain justice, and of 
the denials of that justice, which v^ere always founded on sophistical 
reasoning, when their tyrants condescended to give a reason for their 
refusals. They declared that ' Lafayette's existence was incompatible 
with the safety of the present governments of Europe.' Austria could 
allege no other motive for her unjustifiable conduct. 

" Throughout his long and perilous undertaking, Masclet was in- 
spired merely by humanity, justice, and superior reason. The under- 
taking was really perilous ; for Austria, exasperated at finding no sup- 
port in the British Parliament, and at seeing herself unmasked before 
the eyes of Europe, which was graduaUy roused to indignation by the 
scenes of Olmutz, had sent several emissaries to London to discover the 
Eleuthere who braved her anger, reiterated his complaints, assumed" 
every form, and multiplied' himself, as it were, to obtain the justice 
which he demanded in the name of the rights of nations and of human- 
ity. But the efforts of the Austrian cabinet were ineffectual to discover 
Eleuthere. To justify her act, Austria endeavored to persuade Europe 
of the kindness with which she treated her victims, and she accordingly 
pabiishsd a manifesto, enumerating her humane proceedings towards 
them. Masclet published a vigorous refutation of the manifesto, and 
revealed the whole truth, stating the different circumstances, which you 
will find in General Latour Ma ubourg's narrative. The refutation was 
supported by a letter trom M. de Noailles, a relative of Madame La- 
fayette. 

"In 1795,,Barthelemy, who was then ambassador from France to 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 2T8- 

Switzerland, had also made pressing applications to (he mhiisters of 
foreign powers, in favor of tlie prisoners, and had been seconded by De- 
Witt, the minister of the Batavian republic at Bale. The most distin- 
guished opposition members in England, Fox, Wilberforce, Sheridan, 
and their head General Fitzpatrick, supported by General Tarle- 
ton, who had fought against Lafayette in Virginia, pleaded forcibly, 
and struggled courageously against the Pitt ministry, and the calumni-- 
ators of Lafayette, and of his companions in misfortune. They were 
seconded by the publications ot Masclet,and by those of the most illus- 
trious writers, in Germany. It was on the 16th December, 1796, that 
General Fitzpatrick, in the English House of commons, made in favor 
of the prisoners of Olmutz, that eloquent speech which produced so 
much sensation in Europe, and which terminated in the following mo- 
tion : — ' That an humble address be presented to his majesty, to repre- 
sent to his majesty, that it appears to this House, that the detention of 
General Lafayette, Bureau de Puzy, and Latour Maubourg, in the pri- 
son of bis majesty's, ally, the Emperor of Germany is highly injurious 
to his imperial majesty, and to the common cause of allies ; and hum- 
bly to implore his majesty to intercede, in such manner as to his wis- 
dom shall seem most proper, for the deliverance of these unfortunate 
persons.' " 

But there are no events connected with the imprisonment' 
of Lafayette, more honorable and interesting than the en- 
terprise of Bollman and Huger, in the year 1794, to effect 
his escape from Olmutz. 

J. Erick Bollman was a young German physician, about 
twenty- four years of age, who had just obtained his degree 
of Doctor of Mediciue at the University of Gottingen. 
Fie was an enthusiastic admirer of the character of Lafay- 
ette, and hearing of his unjust imprisonment, resolved to- 
attempt his rescue. He set off on foot, with slender means, 
derived from the sale of his books, for Hamburg. He had 
letters of introduction to some of the best families, and thus 
was made acquainted with a vyealthy merchant and banker 
by the name of Sieveking, who was also a warm, friend of 
Lafayette. Sieveking entered into the project of the young 
enthusiast, supplied him with money, and a letter of intro- 
duction and credit to his confidential friend, Hirsch, a banker 
at Olmutz. Bollman repaired to Olmutz, and found Hirsch 
willing to aid in the undertaking, so far as his position and. 
personal safety would permit. It was, however, necessary 
that he should have physical assistance, as well as money 
and advice ; and after remaining at Olmutz several days, 
without being able to communicate with Lafayette, to avoid 
the suspicions of the police, and in hopes to find some one 



27'4 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

to share his enterprise, Bollman repaired to Vienna. There 
he met with a kindred spirit, one predisposed by patriotic 
sympathies, by the ties of country and of kindred, to favor 
the noble effort he contemplated. That person was Fran- 
CIS HuGER, son of Col. Huger, of South Carolina, at whose 
house Lafayette was first entertained on landing in Amer- 
ica. No sooner did Bollman hint his purpose, than young 
Huger embraced it fervently, and assured Bollman that he 
would aid him in serving the illustrious friend of his father 
and his country, in any manner and at all hazards. Pro- 
viding themselves with three good horses and a servant, and 
travelling, Huger in the character of a young Englishman 
in search of health, and Bollman as his attendant physician, 
they traversed the frontiers of Austria, examined with care 
the roads by which an escape fromOimutz might be effec^ 
ted ; and arrived at Olmutz in the month of September. 

In the mean time the Banker, Hirsch, sought for a mode 
of communicating with Lafayette. He cast his thoughts 
upon the head surgeon of the garrison, (Kreutschke) who 
occasionally visited Lafayette, and was supposed to be fa- 
vorably inclined towards him. Hirsch invited the doctor, 
w4ici'Was-his friend and physician, to dine with him, and in 
conversation inquired 'carelessly about the health of Lafay- 
ette, who he understood to be unwell, adding, that he hoped 
he would not recover, as he richly deserved to die. The 
doctor gazed for a few moments with astonishment, and re- 
plied ; " Hirsch, I should not have believed that of you ! 
Is this the way you slander a brave man, whose only crime 
has been a wish to see his country free and happy ? And 
must I, a true hearted Bohemian, must I submit to such an 
indignity ? Hirsch ! Hirsch ! you have shamefully de- 
ceived me !" Hirsch, highly gratified with these senti- 
ments, then said : " But of what service are all" these fine 
words, when no one can, and no one will, do any thing for 
him ?. V/hether Lafayette be as criminal, or not, as they 
represent him to be, is of' very little consequence; for he 
must die soon, if he remains in prison !" At this, Kreutschke 
started up in great agitation, and strode up and down the 
room without speaking. 

An explanation and an understanding of each other's 
views followed. The physician agreed to become the me- 
aiuni, of communication with Lafayette, if possible^ and iii 



"LIFE OF LAFAYETT2. 275 

that way aid in his liberation. A few days thereafter, 
l^reutschke visited Lafayette professionally, and while pre- 
tending to feel his pulse, in the presence of the superinten- 
dent of the prison and officer of the guard, secretly slipped 
into the hand of Lafayette a note, which hinted to him the 
project for his escape. Lafayette was greatly agitated, 
turned pale, and grasped the note convulsively, which con- 
firmed to the officers present the remarks of the doctor, that 
the prisoner was very ill, required to be bled, and needed 
exercise. This they reported to the governor ; and it was 
no more than the truth, for the health of Lafayette had be- 
come, by long confinement and rigorous treatment, greatly 
impaired. 

Through the intercession of Kreutschke, the governor 
soon granted leave to Lafayette to ride out occasionally 
into the country, for the restoration of his health ; but he 
was always accompanied by an officer and an armed guard, 
to prevent his escape. Watching their opportunity, ac 
cording to the plan which had been arranged, Bollman and 
Huger, a little before the time (five o'clock, P. M.) when 
Lafayette usually rode, mounted on horseback, rode into the 
country, as they were accustomed to do, daily, as though 
for recreation. They took the road which Lafayette and 
his escort were expected to pass. When the carriage con- 
taining Lafayette and the officer, with a guard mounted be- 
hind, appeared, the young men rode slow that the carriage 
might pass them. When opposite Bollman drew from his 
pocket a white handkerchief; Lafayette did the same, 
that being the signal of recognition agreed upon, as neither 
Bollman nor Huger knew, or were knovvn to Lafayette 
personally. After passing the young men, and about two 
miles from the city, Lafayette and the officer left the car- 
riage, and pursued their way on foot. Lafayettu, under 
some pretext, as had been agreed, went a little distance 
ahead, when Bollman and Huger rushed forward, intending 
to mount him behind one of them : they had omitted to 
bring a third horse, for fear of exciting suspicion. The 
x)fficer and guard, however, came up before they could efiect 
that object, and a violent struggle ensued. In the contest, 
Huger's horse escaped ; the guard seized Lafayette^s hand 
with his mouth, and, in endeavoring to extricate himself, 
Xiafayette tore the flesh to the bone from one of his fingers, 



'276 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

-At length his courag-eous deliverers succeeded in moiintino: 
him, some accounts say, behind Bol'.man ; but that which 
seems the most probable, says, that he was mounted alone, 
on Bollman's horse ; that he lingered, unwilling to leave his 
young friends in the handsof their adversaries ; when they 
urged him to make his escape, and Huger said to him in 
English, " Go to Hqf,'^ where their servant had been sent 
to provide a carriage to take them out of the kingdom. 
Lafayette understood him to say, "go off ;'^ and started, 
without comprehending the place of rendezvous. Night 
B,pproached ; the horse fell with him ; he was sadly bruised 
and suffered great pain. His appearance excited suspicion, 
when he asked the way, and endeavored to procure a guide. 
■He was detained by a party of peasants ; carried before a 
magistrate, and recognized the next day by an officer from 
'Olmutz. 

Bollman and Huger soon got rid of the officer and guard, 
who hastened back to the citadel, and caused the alarm 
guns to be fired. Huger's horse was recovered, and both 
mounted and attem.pted thus to follow Lafayette. The res- 
liveness of the horse, under such a burden, and their slov/ 
progress, soon induced them to abandon this joint effort, 
and Bollman proceeded alone. Huger was taken by a pea- 
sant, who from the field where he was ploughing had wit- 
nessed the v/hole affair. Bollman proceeded to Hoff, and 
having lingered for a day, in hope of the arrival of Lafayette, 
was there taken. All three of them were brought back sep- 
arately to Ohnutz, and thrown into Prison, without being 
permitted to know each other's fate. These events occur- 
red the forepart of November, 1724:. 

The treatment of Laf^iyette was, after the failure of this 
generous effort to effect his escape, much more severe. 
But great as were all his suffering from his wounds, his close 
confinement within the damp and gloomy walls of a narrow 
cell, and the brutality and insolence of his jailers, his great- 
est agony arose from apprehensions on account of his de- 
liverers. To add to his anxiety, M. Arco, the commanding 
general tauntingly said to him : " The rogues, who were 
.-so bold as to carry you off, are arrested. They shall be 
•hung. It shall be under j^our v/indow ; and if there is no 
• executioner, I will do that office myself." 

.Bollman and Huger, however, after a rigorous confine- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 277 

nient of eight months, were, through the intercession of 
their frisnds, liberated by the Austrian government. Still 
interesting themselves actively for Lafayette, they went to 
the United States. Bollman had an interview with Presi- 
dent Washmgton, and wrote to him a letter, dated Philadel- 
phia, April 11, 1796, in which he urged an immediate inter - 
ference by the United States, to procure the liberation of 
Lafayette. President Washington reiterated to Doctor Boll- 
man, and to the Duke of Liancourt, who about the same 
time made a similar application, his conviction that the law 
of nations tind the policy of the government prohibited any 
official interference on his part. But he renewed his per- 
sonal efforts in Lafayette's behalf. To Mr. Pinckney, then 
in Europe, General Washington wrote, under date of 20th 
February, 1796. After stating that nothing certain had been 
learned of the fate of Lafayette, since the attempt of Boll- 
man and Huger, both of whom were then in that city, he said : 

"I need hardly mention how much my sensibility has been hurt by 
the treatment this gentleman has met with, or how anxious I am to 
see him liberated therefrom ; but what course to pursue, as most likely 
and proper to aid the measure, is not quite so easy to decide on. As 
President of the United States, there must be a commitment of the gov- 
ernment by any interference of mine ; and* it is no easy matter in a 
transaction of this nature for a public character to assume the garb of 
a private citizen, in a case that does not relate to himself. Yet such 
is my wish to contribute my mite to accomplish that desirable object, 
that I have no objection to its being made known to the Imperial am- 
bassador in London, who, if he thinks proper, may communicat-e it to 
his court, that this event is an ardent wish of the people of the United 
States, to which I sincerely add mine. The time, the manner, and 
even the measure itself, I leave to your discretion ; as circumstances', 
and every matter which concerns this gentleman, are better known on 
that, than they are on this side of the Atlantic." 

Gen. Washington also addressed the following letter \o 
the Emperor of Germany : 

"Philadelphia, 15t7t May, 1796. 

" It will readily occur to your majesty, that occasions may sometimes 
exist, on which official considerations would constrain the chief of a 
nation to be silent and passive, in relation even to objects which affect 
his sensibility, and claim his interposition as a man. Finding myself 
precisely in this situation at present, I take the liberty of writing this 
private letter to your majesty, being persuaded that my motives, will 
also be my apology for it. 

" Jn common with the people of this country, I retain a strong and 
cordial sense oi the services rendered to them by the Marquis de La- 

24 



278 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

fayette ; and my friendship for him has been constant and sincere. It 
is natural, therefore, that I should sympathize with him and his family 
in their misfortunes, and endeavor to mitigate the calamities which 
they experience ; among which, his present confinement is not the least 
distressing. 

" I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. Fermit me only to 
submit to your majesty's consideration, whether his long imprisonment, 
and the confiscation of his estates, and the indigence and dispersion of 
his family, and the painiul anxieties incident to all these circumstances, 
do not form an assemblage of sufferings, which recommend him to the 
mediation of humanity 1 Allow me. Sir, on this occasion to be its or- 
gan ; and to entreat, that he may be permitted to come to this country, 
on such conditions and under such restrictions, as your majesty may 
think it expedient to prescribe, 

" As it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under similar circum- 
stances, I would not grant, your majesty will do me the justice to be- 
lieve, that this request appears to me to correspond with those great 
principles of magnanimity and wisdom, which form the basis of sound 
policy and durable glory. 

" May the Almighty and Merciful Sovereign of the universe keep 
your majesty under his protection and guidance." 



CHAPTER XXVII. 



Madame Lafayette set at liberty . Sends her son, George Washington 
Lafayette, to America. He is kindly received by President Wash- 
ington, and publicly by Congress. Madame Lafayette is aided by 
Mr Monroe. She repairs to Vienna. Has an interview with the 
Emperor of Austria. Is permitted, and nobly determines to share, 
with her daughters, the imprisonment of Lafayette at Olmutz. Mau- 
bourg's account of it referred to. The daughters of Lafayette. — 
They alleviate the gloom of his prison. Mademoiselle Anastasie's 
Sketch of the Jailer of Olmutz, The faithful Felix. Victorious ca- 
reer of the French armies. Gratifying to Lafayette. Napoleon, the 
hero and conqueror. The first spark of his ambition kindled. Stip- 
ulates at Leoben for the release of Lafayette and his companions. — 
Dishonorable conditions imposed by Austria. Lafayette refuses 
them. Bonaparte suspects the duplicity of Austria. Sends Romeuf 
to demand Lafayette's liberation. His final release. Is delivered to 
the American consul at Hamburg. His residence inHolstein. Re- 
turns to France. The First Consul desires to gain him. Lafayette 
is grateful to Napoleon, but suspects him of ambitious designs. Re- 
fuses the office of senator. Retires from the army. Refuses to vote 
for Napoleon as consul for life. His letter explanatory. 

Meanwhile the chief instigators of the " Reign of Ter- 
ror," had successively fallen — Marat by the hands of a 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 279 

heroic female, (Charlotte Corday,) and Danton and Robes- 
pierre by that fatal instrument, the guilotine, to which they 
and their accomplices had consigned so many victims. A 
few months after the death of Robespierre, Madame Lafay- 
ette, who had been a second time brought up to Paris and im- 
prisoned, was set at liberty. She had suffered much. Dur- 
ing the brief and bloody period of the worst system of tyranny 
that the world ever witnessed, which spared neither age nor 
sex, she had beheld many of her kindred and friends, among 
whom were her grandmother, mother and sister, perish on the 
scaffold, and was in hourly expectation of being herself led 
forth to execution. How justly did the talented and beautiful 
Madame Roland exclaim, when brought to the guilotine, "O 
Liberty ! what crimes are they committing in they name !" 

As soon as Madame Lafayette was released from prison, 
she made arrangements to solicit in person the liberation of 
her husband, or to share, if she could not alleviate, the rig- 
ors of his fate. Previous to her departure, she sent her 
son, George Washington Lafayette, then about eighteen 
years of age, to seek an asylum in America. He arrived 
at Boston, under the assumed name of Mortier, accompa- 
nied by his tutor, M. Frestel, about the first of September, 
1795. He immediately apprised President Washington of 
his arrival. The feelings of President Washington, on re- 
ceiving this information, are shown in a letter to Mr. Cabot, 
dated September 7. " To express (he said) all the sensi- 
bility which had been excited in my breast by the receipt 
of young Lafayette's letter, from the recollections of his fa- 
ther's merits, services, and sufferings, from my friendship 
for him, and from my wishes to become a friend and father 
to his son, is unnecessary. Let me in few words declare, 
that I will be his friend ; but the manner of becoming so, 
considering the obnoxious light in which his father is view, 
ed by the French government, and my own situation as 
the executive of the United States, requires more time to 
consider, in all its relations, than I can bestow on it at 
present." 

Gen. Washington requested Mr. Cabot to express his 
views to young Lafayette, and to administer '' all the con- 
solation to the young gentleman, that he could derive from 
the most unequivocal assurances of my standing in the 
place of, and becoming to him, a father, friend, protector 



280 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

and supporter." He recommended a plan of educatioOj 
and that the young man should enter, for a short time, as a 
student at Cambridge, the expense of which, as also of every 
other means for his support, he (Washington) would pay. 
He added, " My friendship for his father, so far from being 
disminished, has increased in the ratio of his misfortunes ; 
and my inclination to serve the son, will be evinced by my 
conduct." This pledge to the son of his friend, Washing. 
ton fully redeemed ; although he did not publicly acknowl- 
edge and receive him till some time thereafter. On the 
18th of March, the United States House of Representatives 
passed the following resolution and order : 

<' Information having been given to this House, that the 
son of Gen. Lafayette is now within the United States, 

" Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire 
Into the truth of the said information, and report thereon, 
and what measures it would be proper to take, if the same 
be true, to evince the grateful sense entertained by this 
country for the services of his father." 

Mr. Edward Livingston, chairman of the committee, 
wrote to the young man, and advised his immediate appear- 
ance at Philadelphia, " that the Legislature of America (he 
said) may no longer be in doubt, whether the son of Lafay- 
ette is under their protection and within the reach of their 
gratitude." With commendable delicacy and discretion, 
young Lafayette asked the advice of General Washington, 
who had previously written to him, and thereupon repeated 
the invitation, that he should proceed immediately to Phila- 
delphia, and to his house, where a room was prepared for 
him and his preceptor. Thus publicly recognized, the son 
of Lafayette entered the family of Washington, in which he 
remained, treated with the kindness and affection of a son, 
until the liberation of his father from Olmutz. 

To Madame Lafayette herself, Mr. Munroe. who had 
succeeded Mr. Morris as American minister in France, ren- 
dered every attention and assistance in his power. He 
furnished her with an American passport, under the name 
of Mortier. He supplied her with money, and gave and 
procured for her letters of recommendation and credit. 
He had advanced to her before she left France, nearly two 
thousand dollars. " I assured her, (he wrote to General 
Washington,) when she left France, there was no service 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. *281 

within my power to render her and her husband and family, 
that I would not with pleasure render them ; to count upon 
my utmost efforts and command them in their favor ; that 
it was your wish and the wish of America that I should do 
so — to consult her husband as to the mode and means, and 
apprise me of his opinion thereon. She departed, grateful 
to you and our country." 

Madame Lafiyette, accompanied by her two daughters, 
Anastasie, aged sixteen, and Virginia, aged fourteen years, 
pursued her arduous journey to Vienna, where she arrived 
safe, in the month of September, 1795. The Prince of 
Rozenberg, touched with her virtues, interested himself in 
her behalf, and procured for her an audience with the Em- 
peror. He refused her solicitations to liberate Lafayette, 
but granted her permission, with her daughters, to share his 
imprisonment. What was the joy of Lafayette, at the un- 
expected appearance of his wife and children, respecting 
whose fate he had so long been ignorant and fearfully anx- 
ious ! And what must have been the sensations af the 
mother and daughters, on beholding the wretched and de. 
bilitated appearance of the husband and father ! 

After enduring for sixteen months the gloom of a nause- 
ous prison, the health of Madame Lafayette became serious- 
ly impaired. She wrote to the Emperor of Austria, re- 
questing leave to visit Vienna, for a short time, for the benefit 
of purer air, and to consult a physician. After two months' 
silence, the ansv/er came. She was prohibited from appear- 
ing in Vienna, but was permitted to leave the fortress, on 
the condition of never returning. Her determination being 
required in writing, she nobly declared, that whatever might 
be the state of her health, or the inconvenience of the resi- 
dence to her daughters, they would continue to share the 
captivity of her husband, " in all its details." These were 
sufficiently severe and trying ; and the reader who has that 
desire, may find an interesting account of them, in a letter 
of Gen. Mauburg, Cloquet's Private Life of Lafayette, Vol, 
1, p. 74, &c. 

The prison of Olmutzhad been an ancient Jesuit conventj 
and the massive cells were converted into gloomy and nar. 
row dungeons. General and Madame Lafayette occupied^ 
(according to Maubourg's account,) two small cells, their 
daughters but a narrow dog-hole, with a single wretched 

24* 



282 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

bed ; while Puzy and himself, in addition to the common 
inconveniences, had those attached to the neighborhood of 
the guards and of the privies, the dampness of which was 
such, that the wall touching them was covered with saltpe- 
tre. For a few hours in the day Lafayette was permitted 
to have his family with him; but at an early hour they 
were separated and confined to their respective cells for the 
night. With Maubourg and Puzy he was allowed no com- 
munication ; and numerous guards were maintained within 
and without, to prevent all intercourse and intelligence. — - 
Their watches, razors, penknives, and all articles of trifling 
convenience, were taken from them, and they were denied 
the use of paper, pen and ink. The zeal and intelligence 
of their faithful servants, Felix and Jules, devised modes for 
them occasionally to communicate. Their food was of the 
coarsest kind, impregnated in cooking with tobacco, served 
in dirty dishes, and they were obliged to eat it with a pew- 
ter spoon, being deprived of the use of knives or forks. 
Their dress — but let us see General Maubourg's descrip- 
tion of it : 

"You ask how we are dressed? — like beggars; that is to say, in 
rags, since our worn out clothes have not been replaced. Lafayette, 
however, wanted breeches, and I have been informed that a tailor was 
ordered, without taking his measure, to make a large pair of trousers 
for him, and a waistcoat of coarse serge, at the same time informing 
him that cloth was too dear for him ; I believe that the garment allu- 
ded to was purposely made in such a manner as to prevent him frora 
wearing it j and that Madame Lafayette supplied the deficiency, by 
purchasing cloth on some pretext or other. In the articles of shoes and 
stockings, he is strangely provided, for those which he wears. Made- 
moiselle Anastasie was obliged to make with her own fair hands, out 
of the stuff of an old coat. For my own part, I wear a waistcoat and 
nankin trousers made at Nievelle, and you may therefore judge of the 
state of maturity at which they have arrived. Were I to make my ap- 
pearance in the street, any charitable soul would offer me alms. Three 
months ago, however, I was supplied with new shoes. The old ones 
had been soled and resoled thirteen times, and for the new ones I was 
indebted merely to the obstinacy of the cobbler, who found it utterly 
impossible to perform the operation for the fourteenth time. While my 
shoes were being made, I was obliged to remain in bed." 

These sketches convey but a very imperfect idea af the 
many acts of privation, surveillance and oppression, which 
the heroic wife of Lafayette resolved to share with him, at 
the hazard of health and life, in the prison to which des- 



LIFE OF lAFAFETTE. 283 

potism had consigned him. His youthful and lovely daugh- 
ters, too, resigned without a murmur the pleasures of soci- 
ety, and devoted the spring-time of life to diffuse, by their 
wit and beauty and affection, a ray of happiness around the 
dungeon walls. Attentive, in all things within their power, 
to alleviate the care of their parents, these young ladies lost 
not for a moment their natural buoyancy of spirit. They 
continued gay and cheerful, and fertile of innocent expedi-. 
ents to beguile the tedious hours of imprisonment, and to 
" light up a smile in the aspect of wo," by turning the petty 
annoyances of their jailers into ridicule. The major and 
lieutenant, having command of the guards and jailers of the 
prison, and whom Maubourg describes as surpassing in. 
brutality the negro-drivers in the Antilles and the slave- 
drivers in Constantinople, had under them a turnkey, a sort 
of Calliban or Cerberus, " an old corporal, decorated with 
the title of prevot, very stupid and very timerous, but also 
very covetous." Fancying the old corporal to be a fit sub- 
ject for the pencil. Mademoiselle Anastasie one day under- 
took to sketch his portrait. As he was not of a tempera- 
ment to sit patiently for his picture, she was obliged, to 
avoid observation, to sketch it upon her thumb nail ; which 
she accomplished, very accurately, and at the first oppor- 
tunity transferred it to paper. The annexed sketch was- 
taken by Cloquet, from a copy then at Lagrange. 

The corporal *' is I'epresented in the act of opening the 
door of the prison which looks upon the corridor, and which 
is secured above and below with crossed bars provided with; 
padlocks. His half bald head is uncovered ; his few re- 
maining hairs are collected into a little queue, which is lu- 
dicrously turned aside over his shoulder ;* and he advances 
with the stealthy pace of a timid individual, who lends an 
attentive ear to some fancied noise. In one hand he holds 
a bunch of large keys, one of which he directs mechanically 
towards the lock ; in the other hand he holds one of those 
beaked lamps which are much used in Germany, and its 
dim light is reflected on his- visage. A stick, which serves 
for self-defence, or the chastisement of offenders, is attached 
to his wrist by a leathern strap; his little three-cornered 

* On this account, probably, the prisoners gave him the nam* of. 
Hataguois :. his real name was Colomba.. 



284 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



hat is squeezed flat under his arm ; his sabre is fastened to 
his side by a girdle ; his waistcoat, breeches, wide boots, 




and in fact, the whole of his attire, show that he is in un- 
dress, and his knees seem to bend, not so much under the 
weight of years as under the influence of cowardice." 

Virtue and fidelity are the same inestimable qualities in 
every rank and station. Nor are they the less valuable as 
examples to mankind, from being exhibited in the humble 
walks of life. The name of the faithful ' Felix,' therefore, 
who voluntarily shared the imprisonment of Lafayette, 
should never be separated by the historian and biographer, 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 285 

from that of his illustrious friend and patron. Cloquet 
states, that — 

"Felix Pontonnier was attached to Lafayette as secretary, and was 
arrested along with him. He was then very young, as he had scarce- 
ly attained his 16th year. After his arrest, he was charged to look af- 
ter the effects of the prisoners, from whom he was entirely separated 
for several days. He was no longer guarded, and might have escaped ; 
but he would have blushed at such an act of weakness, and of his own 
accord he joined Lafayette, to whom, during the whole of his captivity 
he gave every proof of attachment and devotion. His intelligence and 
ability were always at work, whenever any hope was presented of ac- 
complishing his protector's escape ; or when the rigors of his captivity 
were to be assuaged. His inventive genious was constantly employed 
in discovering means of establishing a correspondence between the 
prisoners, in enabling them to acquaint each other with their respective 
situations, to communicate their thoughts, to deceive their jailers, to 
send intelligence to their friends who were occupied with their deliver- 
ance, or to hear from them in return. He had composed a particular 
language known only to himself and the rest of the prisoners ; he had 
also conceived the idea of a language made up of gestures, and of the 
various expressions of the countenance, and the key to this language 
was possessed by the prisoners alone. On some occasion?, he whistled 
notes like a captive bird, with various modulations, which intimated to 
the prisoners all that they were interested in learning. HiS health was 
often seriously endangered, and once especially, on being surprised in 
the commission of some supposed offence, he was condemned for three 
months to solitary imprisonment, in darkness the most profound, and 
allowed no other food during that period that black bread and water. 
Nothing could equal the devotion of Felix Pontonnier to the prisoners, 
except perhaps, the gratitude that Lafayette and his children ever felt 
for this honorable and courageous individual. For many years he di- 
rected the agricultural labors at Lagrange with equal probity and suc- 
cess, and afterwards established himself at Fontenay, (in tlie depart- 
ment of Seine et Marne,) where he is now collector of taxes." 

While anarchy and discord were working their fearful 
and frequent changes in the internal government of France, 
her armies were every where victorious against the power- 
ful combinations of her internal and external enemies. Of 
the state and progress of affairs, Lafayette, in his prison at 
Olmutz, was sometimes, in spite of the vigilance of his jail- 
ers secretly advised by his friends. He deplored the excess- 
es which were committed in the name of liberty; but, a 
true patriot, cherishing the honor and independence of his 
country above all other considerations, he rejoiced at the 
successful resistance of (he brave soldiers of the republic, 
lo the efforts of foreign dictation. In accordance with this 



286 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

honorable sympathy, Lafayette was soon to be indebted to 
the victorious march of the armies of his country, for his 
I'estoration to hberty. Napoleon Bonaparte had establish- 
ed his name, first among the heroes of the day. He had 
aided in curhin;], the turbulent spirit of Paris, and restoring 
a degree of order from the chaos of anarchy. Thus had 
he, unconsciously, laid the foundation of his own power. 
The "conqueror of Italy" — at the bridge of Lodi the first 
spark of his ambition was kindled.* He had assumed to 
himself the office of a negotiator, and in dictating at Leo- 
ben, April 15th, 1797, the preliminaries of peace to Austria, 
the conqueror, of his own accord, and highly to his credit, 
stipulated for the release of Lafayette and his companions, 
Maubourg and Puzy, from the prison of Olmutz. The di- 
rectory sanctioned the demand, and it was from time to 
time perseveringly urged upon the Austrian government. 
Reluctant to yield up their prey, the court of Vienna, in 
July, accompanied an offer of their liberty to the prisoners 
with dishonorable conditions. Although they had suffered 
in loathsome confinement for five years, neither of them 
would accept the proposed terms. Lafayette accompanied 
his refusal with the following declaration : 

Ulrautz, July 25, 1797, 
" The commission with which the Marquis de Chasteler is intrusted, 
appears to me to reduce itself to three points. 1st. His imperial ma- 
jesty wishes to have a statement of our situation at Olmutz. I am dis- 
posed to present no complaint to him. Several details will be found 
in my wife's letters, transmitted or sent back by the Austrian govern- 
ment ; and should his imperial majesty not consider it sufficient to re- 
read the instructions sent from Vienna in his name, I will willingly 
furnish the Marquis de Chasteler with all the information he may de- 
sire. 2dly. His majesty the emperor wishes to be assured, that im- 
mediately after my liberation, I shall set out for America. That in- 
tention 1 have often expressed ; but as an answer would, under present 
circumstances, appear like an acknowledgement of the light to impose 
on me such a condition, I think it inexpedient to comply with the de- 
mand. 3dly. His majesty the emperor and king has done me the 
honor to announce to me, that as the principles which I profess are in- 
compatible with the safety of the Austrian government, he cannot con- 
sent to my return to his states, without his special permission. 



*" Vendemaire and Montenotte," said the Emperor, " never induced 
me to look on myself as a man of a superior class ; it was not till after 
Xiodi that I was struck with the possibility of becoming famous. It 
was then that the first spark of ambition was kindled." — Las Cases. 



LIFE OF LAAYETTEF. • 287 

There are certain duties, the fulfilment of which I cannot decline, I 
have some towards the United States, I have others towards France— 
I cannot under any circumstanees, shrink from the performance of 
those which I owe to my country. With this reservation, I can assure 
General, the Marquis de Chasteler, of my fixed determination never to 
set foot in any state, subject to his imperial majesty the King of Bohe- 
mia and Hungary." " Lafayette." 

The prisoners were detained, although the Austrian am- 
bassadors affirmed at the head quarters of the army of Italy, 
that they had been liberated. Bonaparte, suspecting the 
duplicity, despatched M. Romeuf, formerly aid-de-camp to 
Lafayette, to have a direct explanation with the Baron 
Thu-gut, prime minister of Austria. Napoleon often re- 
marked, that of all the negotiations he had with foreign 
powers, that was the most difficult, so great was their re- 
pugnance to let go their prey. At length the persevering 
effi^rts of Romeuf, backed by the firm demands of the victo- 
rious Napoleon, succeeded, and Lafayette and his compan- 
ions were, on the 23d of September, 1797, released from 
their captivity. They were conducted to Hamburg, where, 
agreeably to the stipulations, they were delivered into the 
hands of the American consul. This ceremony, which 
was a formal act of delivery of the prisoners, in person, by 
the Austrian minister, to Mr. Parish, the American consul, 
took place on the 4th of October. Govgrneur Morris was 
present, and relates, that the Baron Thugut stated in his 
letter to the Austrian minister, that " Lafayette was not 
liberated at the instance of France, but merely to show the 
Emperor's consideration for the United States of America." 
This was but a pretence of the proud Austrian premier, to 
court the good will of one power, and disguise his humili- 
ating submission to another. A few days thereafter, at 
Campo-Formia, when the Austrian commissioner equivo- 
cated about the terms of the treaty, Bonaparte, seizing a 
valuable tea service which stood upon the sideboard, a pres- 
ent from the great Catharine to the commissioner, (Count 
Cobentzel,) dashed it upon the floor, exclaiming, "War is 
declared, but remember^ that, in less than three months, I 
will demolish your monarchy as I dash in pieces this porce- 
lain." The ultimatum was immediately signed ; and the 
definite treaty of Campo-Formio was next day (October 17) 
executed. <' One of the conditions of that treaty (says 



■288 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Theirs, continued from the preliminaries of Leoben,) was 
the release of Lafayette, who had for five years heroically 
endured his imprisonment at Olmutz." 

Mr. Morris, and other Americans at Hamburg, received 
Lafayette with every mark of kindness and distinction. An 
entertainment was given to him and his companions on 
board of an American vessel. He also called promptly to 
pay his respects to the French minister, and a splendid en- 
tertainment was given by the minister on the occasion, at 
which Lafayette and his companions in bondage, appeared 
with the tri-colored cockade which he himself had origina- 
ted as the badge of the French nation. Lafayette also 
wrote to Bonaparte, to Gen. Clarke, who was associated 
with him in the negotiations with Austria, and to M. Tal- 
leyrand, minister of Foreign relations at Paris, acknowl- 
edging the obligations he was under to them individually, 
and to the government of the directory, for his liberation. 

Having thus obeyed the impulse of his grateful feelings, 
Lafayette sought for a temporary asylum for himself and 
family; for although the government of the directory had 
interested itself for his liberation, it had not invited his 
return. His property was under confiscation, and he him- 
self still under the decree of proscription, which was passed 
against him in the reign of the Jacobins. The health of 
Madame Lafayette was greatly impaired, and required care 
and repose. Lafayette repaired with his wife and daughter 
to Holstein, a neutral territory subject to the King of Den- 
tnark. Here he was soon joined by his son, George Wash- 
ington Lafayette, who had left America immediately after 
hearing of the probability of his father's liberation. He 
brought with him a congratulatory letter from Washington 
to Lafayette, in which the character and deportment of the 
son were highly commended. " His conduct (said Wash- 
ton) since he hrst set his foot on American ground, has 
been exemplary in every point of view, such as has gained 
him the esteem, affection, and confidence of all who have 
had the pleasure of his acquaintance. His filial affection 
and duty, and his ardent desire to embrace his parents and 
sisters in the first moments of their release, would not allow 
him to wait the authentic account of this much desired 
event. But at the same time that I suggested the propriety 
of this, I could not withhold my a,ssent to the gratification 



ILIFE OF LAPAYETTE. 289 

of his wishes to fly to the arms of those whom he holds most 
dear." 

Lafayette was thus once more surrounded by his amiable 
family. His friends and companions in exile, Latour Mau- 
bourg and Bureau de Puzy, and their families, wel"e settled 
in the same quiet country. He enjoyed, with them, in 
retirement, that peace of mind which is the reward of con- 
scious rectitude. Writing at this time to Masclet, upon the 
subject of the recent events in France, he repeats the prin* 
ciple which had ever actuated him, and " in which (he said) 
I have been confirmed by experience, that liberty can and 
ought to be assisted only by means worthy of her." Anas- 
tasie, the eldest daughter of Lafayette, was here united to 
Charles de Latour Maubourg, brother to the companion and 
fellow-prisoner of Mafayette. Two English ladies, admir- 
ers of the character of Lafayette, had bequeathed to him a 
legacy of four thousand pounds sterling, which was to re- 
vert, in case of the general's death, to his widow and chil- 
dren. This legacy was transmitted to him, at his residence 
in Holstein, and came providentially to replenish his ex- 
hausted finances. 

In this retreat, enjoying the hospitality and friendship of 
the most distinguished, as well as the most humble, families, 
and devoting his time to literature and to obtaining knowl- 
edge and experience in the several branches of agriculture, 
Lafayette passed nearly two years. In the mean time he 
contemplated a visit to the United States, and informed 
General Washington of his intention. But owing to the 
difficulties that existed between the French directory and 
the American government, and the high state of party feel- 
ing in the United States, Gen. Washington in reply, advis- 
ed him to postpone his visit, until the differences between 
the two countries were adjusted, and harmony between the 
nations were restored. From Holstein Lafayette proceeded 
to Holland, on the special invitation of the Batavian repub- 
lic, where, in gratitude for his former services rendered to 
that state, and to the proscribed Dutch in 1787, he was re- 
ceived with the kindest attentions. Here he learned the 
memorable events of the 18th and 19th Brumaire (9th and 
10th of November, 1779) — the overthrow of the directoral 
government, and the establishment of the consulate, with 
the victorious Napoleon at its head — the end of anarchy, 

25 



290 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

the beginning of despotism. Lafayette saw in this change 
the promise of personal safety. Anxious, therefore, to be 
i-estored to the bosom of his country, he ventured, although his 
name had not yet been erased from the proscribed list, to re- 
turn with his family to France, and to repair at once to Paris. 

The First Consul held in high respect the virtues of La- 
fayette, and was anxious to attach the hero of two worlds to 
his views and interests. On presenting himself before the 
Council of Ancients, to accept, on the 18th of Brumaire, the 
military command, Bonaparte had pledged himself to sustain 
the republic. "We will (he exclaimed) have the republic. 
We will have it founded on genuine liberty, on the repre- 
sentative system. We will have it, I swear, in my own 
name and in the name of my companions in arms." " We 
all swear it," repeated the generals and officers of his staff, 
by whom he was accompanied to the bar. Lafayette hoped 
that these declarations were sincere. He was grateful for 
the part which Bonaparte had taken in procuring his liber- 
ation. But his intercourse with the conqueror of Italy did 
DOt inspire confidence. Their views were mutually differ- 
ent. Bonaparte was the friend of liberty, for himself. He 
was a foe to oppression while he himself was among the 
oppressed. He was opposed to all despotic power which 
he could not control or exercise. Lafayette loved liber- 
ty, not only for himself, but for all mankind. He ha- 
ted oppression, whoever might be its victim. He con- 
demned despotism, wherever found, and scorned to exercise 
himself the unjust power which he resisted or condemned in 
others. The principle of the one was selfishness, governed 
by ambition : thai of the other, patriotism, exalted by phi- 
lanthropy. 

M. Bignon, in his history of the period, remarks, that 
" the intercourse between the First Consul and Lafayette 
was for some time maintained on an amicable footing. 
They oftener than once had conversations of three or four 
hours duration. To General Bonaparte, M. de Lafayette 
was already a character of past history. In the comrade of 
Washington, in the old commander of the national guard 
of 1789, he honored virtues which did not belong to his 
practice. He had already, as he did again at a subsequent 
period, manifested a wish to attach Lafayette to his gov- 
ernment ; but the latter was not inclined to comply with 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 291 

that wish. While the First Consul grew in greatness and 
unfortunately in power, General Lafayette continued in re- 
tirement the worshipper of liberty. 

Lafayette had been restored to his privileges as a citizen, 
and to his rank as a general in the French armies. When 
(in May, 1802) Napoleon, in his progress towards the splen- 
dor and power of despotism, had caused the Legion of 
Honor to be instituted, and soon after had constituted a 
Senate, with extensive privileges and rich endowments, he 
caused several offers to be made to Lafayette of a seat in 
that favored body. They were declined. Bonaparte at 
length made the ofTer in person. Lafayette still declined, 
in a manner which appeared satisfactory to the First Consul. 
He soon after retired from the army. In his letter to the 
minister, he said : " Connected from their commencement 
with those institutions which have triumphed in Europe, 
united by the ties of affection to the generals of the repub- 
lic, I have ever been their comrade, but I pretend not, 
after so many victims, to be their rival. I beg, then, if 
you think I ought to be put on the retired list, to have the 
goodness to request it of the First Consul." And yet, at 
that time, Lafayette was in poverty. His income, which 
once amounted to 200,000 francs per year, then scarcely 
amounted to 10,000. The offices proffered by Napoleon 
would have restored him to wealth, title, and what the world 
calls honors. He preferred independence of principle and 
consistency of character. 

Within the same year, Lafayette was to exhibit new proof 
of his firmness and integrity. Through the subserviency 
of the legislative branches, the question of appointing Bo- 
naparte First Consul for life, was submitted to and sanc- 
tioned by the French people. Called upon to vote on this 
question, Lafayette did so in these terms : " I cannot vote 
for such a magistracy, until public liberty has been suffi- 
ciently guarantied. Then will I give my vote to Napoleon 
Bonaparte." He addressed also to the First Consul, the 
foUowins: memorable letter : 

" General — when a man, penetrated with the gratitude which he 
owes you, and too much aUve to glory not to admire yours, has placed 
restrictions on his suffrage, those restrictions will be so much the less 
suspected when it is known, that none more than himself, would de- 
light to see you chief magistrate for life of a free republic. The 18th 



292 I'IFB OF LAFAYETTE* 

Brumaire saved France, and I felt that I was recalled by the liberal' pro- 
fessions to which you have attached your honor. We afterwards be- 
held in the consular power, that restorative dictatorship, which, under 
the auspices of your genius, has achieved such great things, less great, 
however, than will be the restoration of liberty. It is impossible that 
you, general, the first in that order of men, (whom, to quote and com- 
pare it, would require me to retrace every age of history,) can wish such 
a revolution, so many victories, so much blood and miseries, should pro- 
duce to the world and to ourselves no other results than an arbitrary, 
system. The French people have too well known their rights to have 
entirely forgotten them. But perhaps they are better enable to recover 
them now with advantage than in the heat of effervescence ; and you, 
by the power of your character and the public confidence, by the supe- 
riority of your talents, your situation, and your fortune, may, by re-es- 
tablishing liberty, subdue our dangers and calm our inquietudes. I have 
no other than patriotic and personal motives in wishing for you as the 
climax of our glory, a permanent magistrative post ; but it is in unity 
with my principles, my engagements, the actions of my whole life, to 
ascertain before I vote,, that liberty is established on bases worthy of 
the nation and of you. I hope you will now acknowledge, general, as 
you have already had occasion to do, that to firmness in my political 
opinions are joined my sincere wishes for your welfare and profound 
sentiments of my obligations to you." 

No answer to this letter was received. From this time, 
all intercourse between Lafayette and the First Consul 
ceased. They saw each other no more^ until after the re- 
verses of Napoleon, 1814-15. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, 293 



CHAPTER XXVIII, 

Lafayette in the retirement of Lagrange. Suggested mission to Amer- 
ica. Is offered by President Jefferson the office of Governor of Lou- 
isiana. Letter declining the appointment. Mr. Jefferson's opinion 
of Lafayette. Letter approving his conduct in the French Revolu- 
tion. Lagrange not exempt from misfortune and sorrow. Accident 
to Lafayette. Petty resentments of Napoleon. Death of Madame 
Lafayette. Her character. Lafayette's s»rrow, and affectionate re- 
membrance of her. Napoleon's exile to and return from Elba. 
Endeavors to conciliate the old friends of liberty. Lafayette declines 
his advances. Refuses the Peerage. Remonstrates against the re- 
vival of despotism. Is elected a deputy. Battle of Waterloo. Last 
effort of Napoleon. Bold and patrio-tic declarations of Lafayette. 
Fustrates the despotic designs of Napoleon. Reply to Lucein Bona- 
parte. Advises the abdication of the Emperor. Is a commissioner 
to treat with the alies. Endeavors to secure the liberty of Napoleon, 
and his safe conduct to America. Retires to Lagrange. Elected 
again to the Chamber of Deputies. Advocates liberal principles and 
measures. Resists the despotic encroachments under the restoration. 
Warns and reproaches the Bourbon dynasty. Is accused of treason- 
able designs. Challenges his adversaries to the proof. Is defeated 
in his election by the Ministry, 

While Napoleon pursued his brilliant career of victory 
and power — assuming to himself the kingly crown and the 
imperial diadem — destroying old dynasties and establishing 
new — making and unmaking kings — conquering nation 
upon nation, and setting the world in a blaze — Lafayette, 
the true friend of his country, and reserved for its exigen- 
cies, led a quiet and honorable life in the retirements of 
Lagrange. This had been the paternal estate of Madame 
Lafayette's mother, who had perished, with her eldest daugh- 
ter, on the revolutionary scaffold. Lafayette anxiously de. 
sired the possession of this estate, as a part of his wife*s 
share, in the division of the property. "lam constant'y 
lookinfT (said he, in a letter to Masclet, Dec, 1801) at the 
fields olfLagran^e, till I know that they are my property, and 
that I shall be at liberty to cultivate them. The allotment of 
our shares will be finished, I hope, in three or four decades, 
Adrienne's share wi.l be less considerable than I had ima. 

25* 



294 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE* 

gined ; but should I obtain my favored residence of La^ 
grange, with its arrondissement of wood, meadows, and ar-^ 
rable land, I shall arrange a good handsome farm for my- 
self, and I shall then envy the lot of none." 

His desire was in due season gratified ; and as soon as 
he had obtained possession, Lafayette applied himself with 
ardor to the improvement of the estate. To Masclet he then 
wrote : " I am here alone in my fields, where I pass a 
most agreeable life, turning to account four strong ploughs, 
and aptly demonstrating the disputed problem of the farmer 
proprietor." 

Identified as Lafayette was with the American republic, 
his name was naturally suggested, on his return from exile, 
among the candidates, as minister from the consular gov- 
ernment to that of the United States. Writing to Masclet 
on the subject, he said : " I shall not go to America, my 
dear Masclet, at least in a diplomatic capacity. I am far 
from abandoning the idea of making private and patriotic 
visits to the United States, and to the citizens of the new 
world ; but at present I am much more intent upon farming 
than upon embassies. It seems to me, that were I to arrive 
in America in any other costume than an American uniform, 
I should be as embarrassed with my appearance as a savage 
an breeches," An opportunity, however,was soon presented 
to Lafayette, of visiting America, of becoming, in fact, an 
American citizen, in a capacity most honorable, and con- 
genial with his feelings. Mr. Jefferson, then President of 
the United States, having completed the purchase of Louisi- 
ana, pressingly invited Lafayette to accept the office of 
provisional governorof that territory. Considerations, con- 
nected with the liberty and welfare of his native country,- 
prevented Lafayette from accepting this grateful offer.- — 
Napoleon had just assumed the title of Emperor. The 
feelings and motives of Lafayette are expressed in his let- 
ter to President Jefferson, (October 8th, 1804) declining the 
appointment : 

" YouT proposition, (he said,) offers all the advantages of dignity, 
wealth and security, and I do not feel less warmly than I have done 
these thirty years past, the de&ire of advancing with American liberty 
in its progress over all the continent. But you, my dear friend, you 
also know and share my wishes for French, and consequently for Eu- 
ropean liberty. In America the cause of mankind is gained and se- 
emred j nothing can arrest, change, or sully its progress. Here all re=- 



UFJS of LAFAYETTE. 295 

garcT is as lost and without hope. But for me to pronounce that cen- 
tence, to proclaim it as it were by a final expatriation, would be a con- 
cession so contrary to my sanguine nature, that unless I were absolute- 
ly forced, I know not the land, however disadvantageous, and still less 
can I imagine the hope, however unpromising, which I could totally 
and irrevocably abandon. This is perhaps after all but a weakness of 
heart, but in spite of usurpations of uncontrolled power, and in the event 
of iis overthrow — amidst the dangers of Jacobinism excited to rage, and 
the still greater dangers of a royal aristocracy, more absurd, though not 
less sanguinary, I do not despair of obtaining modifications less unfa- 
vorable to the dignity and liberty of my countrymen. When I consid- 
er the prodigious influence of French doctrines upon the future destinies 
of the world, T think it will not be right in me, one of the promoters of 
that resolution, to admit the impossibility of beholding it, even in our 
time, re-established on its true basis of a generous, a virtuous, in a word, 
an American liberty." 

By no American statesman were the character and ser- 
vices of Lafayette more highly appreciated than by Mr. 
J-efFerson. Speaking, at a late period of his life, of the alli- 
ance with France which secured the independence of Amer- 
ica, he said : " We commissioners in Europe placed the 
nail, and Lafayette drove it in." The full concurrence and 
approbation of Mr. Jefferson, whose democracy will never 
be doubted, added to those of Gen. Washington, will vindi- 
cate Lafayette from all ctiarges of having departed in the 
French revolution from the strict requirements of his duty 
as a republican. In a letter written to Lafayette in 1815, 
Mr. Jefferson reminds him, that at the period of the tennis 
court oath, (see p. 217) he (Jefferson) advised an accommo- 
dation with the king, until the French nation should be fur- 
ther advanced in its political education. 

"you thought otherwise, (he adds,) and that the dose might still be 
larger, and 1 found you were right ; for subsequent events proved they 
were equal to the constitution of 1791. Unfortunately some of the 
most honest and enlightened of our patriotic friends, (but closet politi- 
cians merely, unpractised in the knowledge of man,) thought more could 
still be obtained and borne. They did not weigh the hazards of a tran- 
sition from one form of government to another, the value of what they 
had already rescued frdm those hazards, and might hold in security if 
they pleased, nor the imprudence of giving up the certainty of such a 
degree of liberty, nnder a limited monarch, for the uncertainty of a lit- 
tle more under the form of a republic. You differed from them; you 
were for stopping there, and for securing the constitution which the na- 
tional Assembly had obtained. Here, too, you were right ; and from 
this fatal error of the republicans, from their separating from yourself, 
^id the censtitutionalists in their councils, flowed all the subsequent 



296 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

sufferings and crimes of the French nation. The hazards of a second 
change fell upon them by the way. The foreigner gained time to an- 
archise by gold the government he could not overthrow by arms, to crush 
in their own councils the genuine republicans, by the fraternal embraces 
oi^ exagerated and hireling pretenders, and to turn the machine of Ja- 
cobinism h-om the change to the destruction of order, and in the end 
the limited monarchy they had secured was exchanged for the unprin- 
cipled and maniac tyranny of Bonaparte." 

The peaceful abode of Lagrange, had its misfortunes and 
its sorrows. On a visit to Paris (in 1805 or 1806) Lafay- 
ette fell upon the slippery pavenrient, and severely fractured 
his leg. Skilful surgeons were ennployed, and splints and 
bandages were profusely and tightly applied, conformably 
to the practice of the day. From these and the wound Lm- 
fayeite suffered greatly. He was confined for nearly six 
months, and remained lame for the remainder of his life. 

Flis son, George Washington Lafayette, had joined the 
French armies soon after his return from America. Li- 
fayette had given his con.'sent ; not that he approved of the 
government which then ruled France ; but he considered it 
the duty of every true Frenchman to defend his country from 
invasion. " France (he said) whether free or not, is still 
our country ; and there are more germs of liberty in her 
democratic organization, than could enter into the counter- 
revolution. Fler adversaries arc the decided enemies of our 
purest principles, and have taken up arms only to accom- 
plish her utter destruction. If it appears unsuitable, that 
when Europe is divided into two bands, a young man of 
nineteen years of age should be found in neither, it appears 
evident, that the place of a patriot — of my son, can be only 
under our national standards." 

But after the refusal of Lafayette to furtner the ambitious 
designs of Napoleon, that aspiring chiefiain extended his 
petty feelings of resentment to the connexions, and particu- 
larly to the son of the contumacious patriot. Although 
George Washington Lafayette distinguished himself on va- 
rious occasions. Napoleon could never be brought to consent 
to his promotion. Lafayette could not but feel, sensibly, 
this injustice ; but he would not consent that his son should 
leave the army on account of it, so long as the enemies of 
the country were unsubdued. The young soldier resigned 
after the peace of Tilsit, July, 1807, and became an inmate 
of the family at Lagrange, 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 297 

But the event which at this period cast the heaviest gloom 
over the domestic circle of Lagrange, and embittered the re- 
tirement of Lafayette, was the death of Madame Lafayette, 
" a woman whose name (in the language of Gen. Fitzpat- 
rick) will be revered as long as sublime virtue shall com- 
mand respect, and unmerited affliction shall inspire compas- 
sion in the human heart." M. de Segur thus records her 
death, and bears testimony to her virtues : 

" This lady, who was a model of heroism and indeed of every virtue, 
imbibed during her captivity and misfortunes, that disorder which, af- 
ter protracted suffering, terminated her Ufe on the 24th of December, 
1807 ; she died surrounded by a numerous family, who offered up ar- 
dent prayers to heaven for her preservation. When unable to articu- 
late, a smile played upon her hps at the sight of her husband and chil- 
dren who bathed her death bed with tears. Devoted to her domestic 
duties, which were her only pleasure ; adorned by every virtue ; pious, 
modest, charitable, severe to herself, indulgent to others, she was one of 
the few whose pure reputation has received fresh lustre from the mis- 
fortunes oi the revolution. Though ruined by our political storm, yet 
she scarcely seemed to recollect that she had ever enjoyed ample for- 
tune. She was the happiness of her family, the friend of the poor, the 
consoler of the afflicted, an ornament to her country and an honor to 
her sex." 

This bereavement was felt severely by Lafayette, and he 
thus expressed his feelings in a letter to his friend Masclet : 

" I was certain, my dear Masclet, that you would tenderly regret the 
adorable woman whom you were pleased to celebrate, before you were 
personally acquainted with her, and to cherish from the period when 
she was herself able to express to you her grateful friendship. It would 
be ungrateful in me to entertain a doubt of your participation in my 
grief; but although such a doubt was far from my thoughts, I have de^ 
rived a melancholly gratification from the renewed assurance of your 
feelings, and for that assurance, I thank you most cordially. I willing- 
ly admit, that under great misfortune, I have felt myself superior to the 
situation in which my friends had the kindness to sympathize ; but at 
present, I have neither the power nor the wish to struggle against the 
calamity which has befallen me, or rather, to surmount the deep afflic- 
tion which I shall carry with me to the grave. It will be mingled with 
the sweetest recollections of the thirty-four years, during which I was 
bound by the tenderest ties that, perhaps, ever existed, and with the 
thought of her last moments, in which she heaped upon me sueh proofs 
of her incomparable affection. I cannot describe the happiness which, 
in the midst of so many vicissitudes and troubles, I have constantly de- 
rived from the tender, noble, and generous feeling, ever associated to 
the interests which gave anioiation to my existence." 

These feelings Lafayette cherished throughout h's life. 
The main door of Madame Lafayette's apartment was wallecl 



298 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

up at the time of hei* death, and remained so ever after. 
On certain days Lafayette repaired hither by a back door 
alone or in company with his children, to pay homage to 
her memory. " One day during his last illness, (says Clo- 
quet) I surprised him kissing her portrait, which he always 
wore suspended to his neck in a small gold medallion. 
Around the portrait were the words — " I am yours ;" and 
on the back was engraved this short and touching inscrip- 
tion ; " I was then a gentle companion to you ! In that 
case — bless me." 

During the temporary exile of Napoleon to Elba, and the 
restoration of 1814, Lafayette once repaired to court, and 
was well received by the King and Monsieur his brother. 
But the renewed struggles of monarchy and Jacobinism, 
which favored the return of Napoleon from Elba, had no 
charms for Lafayette. He took no part in public affairs, 
until the meteorlike advent of Napoleon again arrayed 
against France the combined powers of Europe. When, 
by his rapid and astonishing movement, Napoleon had once 
more possessed himself of power, which he could not but 
deem precarious, he was anxious, in order to strengthen 
himself in the commencement of his new career, to concili- 
ate the old friends of French liberty. Joseph Bonaparte 
sought and obtained an interview with Lafayette, appealed 
to him in the name of liberty and his country, and endeav- 
ored to inspire his confidence in the sincerity and value 
of the pledges which Napoleon was about giving to the na- 
tion and the world. Lafayette acknowledged the appeal in 
behalf of the nation. He was willinj^- to aid in defendinji 
it agamst the mvasion and dictation of foreign powers ; but 
he had little confidence in the professions of the Emperor, 
and desired a constitutional guaranty for the liberties of the 
people. The Act Additional, or addition to the Constitu- 
tion of 1799, 1802, and 1804, which Napoleon offered to the 
nation soon after his return from Elba, in 1815, contained 
several ameliorating features. But it restored effectually 
the prii;1ciples of his former despotism ; and while it recog- 
nized the liberty of the press and an elective chamber of 
deputies, it re-established an hereditary peerage. Lafay- 
ette not only refused a seat in this new chamber of peers, 
which was offered to him by Napoleon, but promptly entered 
at his commune and in the electoral college of the Seine 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 299 

and Marne, his solemn protest against these despotic fea* 
tures of the additional act. He was nevertheless elected 
president and afterwards first deputy, of the department. 

As a representative of the people, Lafayette took his seat 
in the chamber of deputies. He was chosen one of its vice- 
presidents. He endeavored to inspire the Assembly with 
elevated views of its duties, as guardians of the rights of the 
people, as well as in regard to the attitude it should assume 
towards other nations ; and declared that its conduct would 
settle the question, whether it was to be called the represen- 
tation of the French people, or simply the Napoleon Club. 
While, however, he resisted the despotic designs of the 
Emperor, he sustained every measure which was required 
for defence against the allied armies. He was in favor of 
calling out the mass of the nation, by the reorganization of 
the national guards ; a measure which Napoleon dreaded, 
and refused to adopt, as dangerous to his own power. 

But, the battle of Waterloo, which took place twelve days 
after the meeting of the chambers, drove Napoleon back 
upon Paris, and sealed his destiny. ¥Le resolved, however, 
to make one mighty and desperate effort to retrieve his 
fortunes. His design was said and believed to be, to dis- 
solve the chambers, which he could not control, assume the 
dictatorship, and raise instantly an army by conscription to 
repel his invaders. Lafayette, in this crisis, exhibited his 
former courage and decision of character. He was desir- 
ous that the Assembly should maintain the integrity and 
just powers of the nation. He had learned that it was the 
intention of Napoleon to dissolve the Chambers, as soon as 
they should convene on the morning of the 21st of June. 

The moment, therefore, that the Assembly had met, La- 
fayette ascended the tribune, and fearless of the consequen- 
ces, spoke and proposed as follows : — 

" When for the first time for many years, I now raise a voice which 
the old friends of liberty may still remember, I feel myself called upon, 
gentlemen, to address you respecting the dangers of the country, which 
you alone are now able to save. 

" Sinister reports have been spread abroad ; they are now unhappily 
confirmed. The moment has arrived forrallymg round the old tri-col- 
ored standard, that ot 1789, that of liberty, equality and public order. 
It is that standard alone, which we have to defend against foreign pre- 
tensions and internal intrigues. Permit, gentlemen, a veteran in this 
,,acred cause ; one who was ever a stranger to the spirit of faction, to 



SOO LliPE OF LAtAYEtlE. 

submit to you some provisionary resolutions, the necessity of wliich t 
trust you will acknowledge. 

" Art. 1, The chamber of representatives declares that the indepen- 
dence of the nation is menaced. 

"2. The chamber declares itself permanent. Every attempt to dis^ 
solve it is high treason ; and whoever is guilty of that attempt, will be 
a traitor to the country, and instantly condemned as sush. 

" 3. The army of the line and the national guards who have fought 
and still are fighting to defend the liberty, the independence and the 
territory of France, have merited well of the country. 

" 4. The minister of the interior is called upon to assemble the gen- 
ffraL staff and the commandants and majors of the national guard of 
Paris, in order to consider the means of arming and rendering most ef- 
ticient that civic guard, whose patriotism and zeal, after twenty-six 
years' trial, offer a sure guarantee for the liberty, property and tranquili- 
ty of the capital, and for the inviolability of the representatives of the 
nation. 

" 5. The minister of war, for foreign affairs, of the interior, and of 
the police, are required to join the assembly immediately." 

These resolutions were promptly adopted, excepting that 
relative to the national guards, the consideration of which, 
through the artifice of some members, was postponed. It 
would have placed fifty thousand men at the disposal of the 
Assembly, for its own defence and that of the capital. This 
prompt movement of Lafayette frustrated the despotic and 
%'iolent designs which Napoleon was supposed to have en- 
tertained. He hesitated during the day what course to 
pursue. At a secret session of the Assembly in the evening, 
the abdication of the Emperor was proposed. Lucein Bo- 
naparte, who was present, spoke eloquently in explana* 
lion, and in vindication of Napoleon. He appealed to 
the love of glory, the generosity, and fidelity of the nation. 
It was not Napoleon, he said, that was attacked, but the 
French people ; and that the proposition then made to aban- 
don the Emperor, exposed the French nation, before the 
tribunal of the world, to a severe judgement on its levity 
and inconstancy. Lafayette rose from his seat, and with- 
out ascending the tribune, turned towards Lucein, and spoke 
with impressive composure as follows: "That is a calum- 
nious assertion which has just bsen uttered. Who shall 
dare to accuse the French people of inconstancy to the 
Emperor Napoleon ? Did they not follow him through the 
sands of Egypt and along the deserts of Russia, over fifty 
fields of battle in disasters as faithfully as in victories ? 
And it is for having thus followed him that they have to 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. SOl 

mourn the blood of three millions of their countrymen !" 
These words produced a deep impression on the Assembly, 
Lucein bowed respectfully to Lafayette, and remained silent. 
The same night, after having learned what had taken place 
at the secret session of the deputies, Napoleon convened a 
council, consisting of the ministers, the president, and four 
members of the Chamber of Peers, the president and four 
vice-presidents of the Deputies, with other official persons 
and counsellors of state. He laid before them the state of 
affairs, and asked their advice. Among the conflicting 
opinions expressed, Lafayette had the candor and courage 
to intimate, that the abdication of the Emperor, under the 
circumstances, was the only safe course for himself and the 
nation. 

The next day, June 22d, Napoleon sent in his abdication. 
Lafayette was at the head of a deputation which was sent 
to thank him, in the name of the chamber, for his volun- 
tary sacrifice. A provisional government was formed, 
from which Lafayette, being neither acceptable to the 
Bonapartists nor the Bourbonites, was excluded. The 
-command of the national guards was bestowed upon Mas- 
sina ; and Lafayette was sent, with other commissioners, to 
treat with the allies for an armistice. The English am- 
bassador having raised doubts respecting the legal character 
of a chamber convoked by Bonaparte, Lafayette replied, 
" I am astonished that an Englishman should hesitate to 
acknowledge, that the authority of a national assembly is 
derived rather from those who elect, than from him who 
convokes it.'"' The question being at length put to Lafay- 
ette, whether peace should be accepted on condition of giving 
up Bonaparte to the allies ? " I am surprised (he answered) 
that in making so odious a proposition to the French nation, 
you should have addressed yourself to one of the prisoners 
of Olmutz." Lafayette had treated Napoleon in his ad- 
versity, with personal kindness and respect; had previously 
stipulated in the Assembly, that the liberty and life of the 
Emperor should be guarantied by the French nation ; and 
had endeavored, before his departure, to obtain for Napole- 
on two frigates to conduct him to the United States. 

But Ihe^negotiations of Lafayette were in vain. On his 
return to Paris, he found it in the possession of the allies. 
The famous declaration of the chamber of deputies, assert- 

26 



$0$^ LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

ing the right of France to self-government, and requiring 
guaranties for the civil and religious rights of the people 
from those who were about to propose a government for it, 
was signed by Lafayette on the 6th of July. Two days 
thereafter, the doors of the chamber were closed against the 
representatives. Lafayette invited the deputies to meet at 
his house ; from whence two hundred of them proceeded to 
the residence of the president, where a spirited, but useless 
protest, was adopted and signed. On the 8th of July, 
Louis XVIII re-entered the French capital in triumph, the 
throne of the Bourbons was again restored by foreign bay- 
onets. Lafayette retired once more to Lagrange, and re- 
sumed his favorite occupations and improvements. 

Called again from his retirement by the people, and 
elected to the chamber of depucies, Lafayette, as a member 
of that body, during the year 1819 and the four succeeding 
years, boldly resisted the encroachments of the government 
upon the rights of the people, and sustained the free princi- 
ples which he had throughout his life professed. In the 
discussions of the period he took a prominent part, and his 
speeches were distinguished by sound reasoning, and elo- 
quent appeals in behalf of liberty and justice. In the com- 
mencement he opposed the restrictions upon the right of 
suffrage, and moved, " that the institution of the trial by 
jury should be restored, with all iis protective forms, and 
that the recall of banished persons should be the termina- 
tion of all measures of proscription." He contended that 
the institution of the national guards was the best safeguard 
for the liberties of the people and the security and indepen- 
dence of the nation ; and in 1820, brought forward a pro- 
position for their re-organization. " I feel implicit confi- 
dence (he said) in our young army ; it will prove itself, 
•when occasion requires, always brave, always patriotic, 
two essential conditions of honor for the warriors of a 
free country. To name our veterans, is to retrace their 
glory and our gratitude. But the country requires a third 
barrier of our independence and our territory, and an indis- 
pensable guaranty of liberty and order, viz : — the national 
guard." The proposition, however, was unsuccessful. — 
Lafayette was also for increasing the French navy, and 
rendering it more efficient for national defence. On that 
occasion he complimented the navy of the United States, 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 303 

*' whose fleet, (he said,) since its creation, and during two 
severe wars against Great Britain, with equaU and often 
with inferior force, never once failed to gain the advantage." 

The ministers had brought forward measures hostile to 
personal liberty. In opposing them, Lafayette said : — 
" Thirty yt;ars ago, in the assembly of the notables, of 1787, 
I was the first to demand the abolition of leUers-de-cachet ; 
I now vote against their restoration." In opposition to the 
censorship of the press, he exclaimed : " Let the charter be 
respected ; for to violate it would be to dissolve it, to dis- 
solve the mutual guarantees of the nation and the throne, 
to throw ourselves back to the primitive independence of our 
rights and duties." 

In advocating the reform of the criminal code, Lafayette 
avowed himself, as he did on other occasions, in favor of 
abolishing capital punivshment. 

Lafayette continued to remonstrate against the high-hand- 
ed measures of the government, and to warn the Bourbon 
dynasty of the inevitable consequences of their attempts to 
restore the old order of despotism. He openly accused them 
of violating their pledges to the French people. 

" The charter, (he said) was presented as a gnatafttee for persona 
liberty, the liberty of the press, the liberty of religious worship, the 
equality of rights, the independence of the jury, the inviolability of all 
property, and as the pledge of a representative system which might ren- 
der effectual this recent acknowledgment of our rights and the fruits 
of the revolution. 

" Well, gentlemen, what has ensued ? The liberty of the press, and 
personal liberty have once more been sacrificed ; the organic laws of 
the municipal system, of the administrative system, of the independence 
of juries, of the responsibilities of the agents of power, which we were 
informed were all ready last year ; and the King's commissioners say 
they now are, are obstinately withheld. Government will neither form 
nor arm the national guard, which, therefore, has no resource in this 
moment of danger, but to rise spontaneously. 

" Now, gentlemen," continued he, " are we no longer permitted to 
think that a nation belongs to herself, and is not the property of any 
one ; that in a free country every soldier is the soldier of his country ; 
that we owe obedience only to legal orders, and not to oppression ; for 
despotism, whatever form it may assume, is the most insolent of 
revolutions, the most scandalous and lasting of public disorders !" 

In 1823, a crisis seemed to be at hand. Manuel, a dep- 
uty and friend of Lafayette, had been violently expelled from 
the chamber of deputies, for the freedom with which he had 



304 LIfE 0? LAFAYETTE. 

declared his political opinions. Lafayette on this occasion 
retired with sixty of his colleagues, and signed a protest 
which declared, that the public taxes having become illegal 
by the violation of the liberty of the representatives, their 
payment was not obligatory. 

At a previous session, in vindicating the beneficial results 
of the revolution, Lafayette had said : " The revolution was 
the emancipation and developeraent of the human faculties, 
and the restoration of nations. This is so true, that the 
friends of liberty have always been ar^d still are hated by 
the adversaries of the revolution, in proportion to the efforts 
they have made to prevent it being sullied by crimes and 
successes." The truth of this latter declaration had former- 
ly been, and was again to be, verified in his own case. The 
independence of his course as a deputy, the boldness with 
which he had denounced usurpations and abuses, and ap- 
pealed to the patriotism and energy of the people, brought 
upon him the displeasure of the government, and furnished 
pretexts for formal accusations. In 1823, a positive accu- 
sation of treasonable designs was brought by the procureur 
du roi, (Manguin) who pretended to have proof against La- 
fayette, and who, in the excess of his monarchical zeal, ex- 
claimed ; " Ah ! were I but his judge !'* The colleagues of 
Lafayette, who were implicated with him, having demanded 
justice against the calumny, Lafayette mounted the tribune, 
and without deigning to deny the fact, spoke as follows : 

*' In spite of my habitual indifference to party accusations and ani- 
mosities, I still think myself bound to add a few words to what has fall- 
en from my honorable friend. During the whole course of a life entire- 
ly devoted to the cause of liberty, I have constantly been an object of 
attack to the enemies of that cause, under whatever form, despotic, aris- 
tocratic, anarchic, they have endeavored to combat it. I do not com- 
plain, then, because I observe some affectation in the use of the word 
proved, which the procurer-general has employed against me. But I 
join my honored friends in demanding a public inquiry, within the walls 
of the chamber, and in the face of the nation ; there I and my adversa- 
ries to whatever rank they belong, may declare without reserve all that 
we have mutually had to reproach each other with, for the last thirty 
years." 

Before this challenge the adversaries of Lafayette recoil- 
ed, and the accusation was pursued no further. Through 
intrigues and election frauds, however, the ministry suc- 
ceeded the same year (1823) in defeating his election to the 
septennial chamber of deputies. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 305 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

Lafayette determines to visit America, His departure and voyage. 
Arrives at New York. Is received witii enthusiasm. Journey to 
and reception ac Boston. Returns to New York. Brilliant fete at 
Castle Garden. Voyage up the Hudson. Return. Goes south. 
Reception at Philadelphia. Visit of Lafayette to the tomb of Wash- 
ington. Celebration at Yorktown. Honors and Hospitalities in 
Virginia. Returns to Washington. Reception by Congress. Ad- 
dress of Mr. Clay. Lafayette's answer. Munificent act of Congress. 
How received and accepted by Lafayette. Rapid tour through the 
Southern and Western States. Sketch of the route and some of the 
incidents of his journey. Arrives in Boston. Universal astonish- 
ment at the journey performed. The anniversary of the Battle of 
Bunker Hill. Lafayette assists in laying the corner stone of the 
monument. Returns to Washington, Farewell visit to the F^- 
presidents in Virginia, Celebration of Lafayette's birthday. Close 
of his tour. Its incidents and character. Farewell address of Pres- 
ident Adams. Lafayette's reply. Embarks on board the frigate 
Brandywine. Bids a final adieu to America. 

Left once more to pursue his private inclinations, La- 
fayette determined to gratify the wish he had long enter- 
tained, by revisiting America — America, the scene of his 
youthful glory, and the long-cherished object of liis affec- 
tionate remembrance. His intention soon became known 
in the Uaited States, and created a deep sensation among 
the public authorities and all classes of the people. JMr. 
Monroe, then president, promptly wrote to Lafayette, offer- 
ing to send a frigaie to any part of France, to convey him 
to°the United States, at such time as he should appoint. 
Congress, in February, passed a resolution repeating the 
offer'' of a frigate, and expressed to Lafayette the sincere 
attachment of the whole nation, and the ardent desire to 
see him among th-m. This resolution was communicated 
officially to Lafayette by President Monroe, under date of 
February 24th, 1324. The municipal authorities of Bos- 
ton. New York, and other cities of the Union, also wrote to 
Lafayette, tendering to him in advance the hospitality of 
their respective cities. 

Lafayette declined, with respectful acknowledgments, the 

26* 



306 tlfK OF LAFAYETTi. 

offer of a frigate. Accompanied only by his son, and M^ 
Levasseur, his secretary, he repaired to Havre, on the 12th 
July, having engaged a passage in an American merchant 
ship, the Cadmus. The citizens of Havre had prepared to 
manifest their respect for Lafayette on his arrival among 
tliem ; but the interferance of the police, the creatures of a 
government verging towards despotism or dissolution, pre- 
vented the public manifestations which had been arranged. 
When he embarked, however, the next day, July 13, a large 
concourse of people assembled to witness his departure, and 
in despite of the minions of power, gave a spontaneous mani- 
festation of their feelings. Lafayette was received on board 
the Cadmus with three hearty cheers, which were re-echoed 
by the crews of the vessels in port, and the immense crowds 
■which thronged the shore. The sails were soon after spread 
to a favorable breeze, and the vessel proceeded on its me- 
morable voyage. 

On the first of August, while the vessel was becalmed, 
and Lafayette was seated upon deck with other passengers, 
enjoying the quiet scene of an unruffled ocean, a small boat 
approached, filled with persons in uniform. They proved 
to be British officers from a vessel on its way to Halifax, 
which was also becalmed within sight of the Cadmus. The 
officers came on board, and exhibited at first no little arro- 
gance of manners. In I'eply to their questions as to the 
character and destination of his vessel, Capt. Allyn, of the 
Cadmus, named and pointed out to them General Lafayette. 
The manner of the officers immediately changed. They 
took off their hats, and received the proffered hand of the 
general with cordiality and respect. They partook of re- 
freshments with him, conversed for half an hour, and took 
leave in the most respectful manner. It was a tribute paid 
to the valor and virtue of the man, and not to Lafayette, as 
one of the conquering heroes of the American revolution. 

The Cadmus arrived within Sandy Hook on the morning 
of the 15th of August. The artillery of fort Lafayette an- 
nounced to the city of New York the approach of the " Na- 
tion's Guest." It being Sunday, Lafayette accepted the 
invitation of Vice-President Tompkins, to land on Staten 
Island, and remain at his hospitable mansion until the next 
day. 

The reception of Lafayette by the authorities and people 



LIFE OF LAFAYETtE. 30 t 

of the chy of New York, was cordial and splendid beyond 
precedent or description. Early on the morning of the IGth, 
the city poured forlh its aquatic hosts, anxious to have tlie 
first glinripse of a man to whom the whole nation was pre- 
pared to give so warm and well-merited a welcome. The 
spacious bay was soon covered with water craft of every 
size and description, from the fraf^nle skifF to the most spa- 
cious and splendid steamer, decorated with fla^siind banners, 
and filled with excited multitudes of both sexes and all clas- 
es of citizens. Amidst this scene Lafayette embarked from 
Staten Island on board the steam-boat Chancellor Living- 
ston, which had been designated to convey him up the bay. 
On board of this boat, to receive and escort him, were the 
various deputations of the city, the generals and officers of 
the malitia, the army and navy ; a detachment of infantry, 
and more than two hundred of the principal citizens of New 
York. AmonjT these Lafavelte soon recognized several of 
his old fellow-soldiers, who rushed into his arms, overjoyed 
to behold him once more in the land he had contributed to 
make free and prosperous, after an absence of forty years, 
fluring which he had undergone so many dangers and suf- 
ferings for the cause of liberty in other lands. A general 
irreetin": followed. While these scenes of £^ralitude and jov 
were passing, a band of music struck up the favorite 
French air, " On peut-on etremieux qu^au sein de sa famille'^ 
— Where can one be better than in the bosom of his family ? 
The immense flotilla, splendid and imposing beyond the power 
of language to describe, moved forward ; and at two o'clock 
Lafayette lanr/ed at the Battery, " amidst the acclamations 
of two hundred thousand voices, which hailed him v/ith bles.g- 
in<?' and welcome." He was met by the Lafayette Guards, 
v/ho v/ore badges upon their breasts with the portrait of 
Lafavette, and escorted in front of a long line of militia, 
drawn up to receive him, and who were all decorated with 
a similar badge. At the end of this line, amidst the roar of 
cannon from the forts and the shores, Lafayette entered an 
open barouche, drawn by four white horses, and, amidst an 
immense procession, was escorted to the city hall, where 
the municipal authorities, headed by the mayor, awaited to 
receive him in an appropriate manner. Every street through 
which the procession passed, was decorated with scrolls and 
flass. From the crowded windows wreaths of flowers were 



308 LIFE OF LAfAYETTS. 

showered by fair hands upon the venerable head of the geri; 
eral ; and the words " Welcome Lafayette!" were displayed 
upon thousands of banners, and echoed and re-echoed from 
thousands of tongues. In the great saloon of the city hall, 
Lafayette for two hours received the enthusiastic greetings 
of the people. From hence he was conducted to lodgings 
which had been prepared for him at the City Hotel, at that 
time the largest and most popular public house in the city, 
where a splendid dinner) at which all the civil and military 
authorities were present, closed the proceedings of the day. 

For four days Lafayette remained in New York, receiv- 
ing the congratulations of numerous public bodies, of his 
old friends and the citizens generally. On the 20th of Au- 
gust, accompanied by a numerous escort, he commenced 
his route to Boston. From every hamlet and village on 
the way, the people poured forth to pay him honors and 
bid him welcome. Five days and five nights, for they trav- 
elled until midnight, and started again at five o'clock in the 
morning, were occupied in this journey. But amidst the 
numerous displays of a nation's gratitude, these night 
marches were not the least pleasing or imposing. " The 
long file of carriages (says Levasseur) escorted by horse- 
men bearing torches ; the fires lighted from place to place 
upon the tops of the hills, and around which were grouped 
families whom the desire of beholding their guest had kept 
watching ; the somewhat wild sound of the trumpet of our 
escort, repeated several limes by our woodland echoes, the 
sight of the sea, which occasionally came into view on our 
right, and the distant and decreasing peal of the bells which 
had announced our passage, all formed around us a pictu- 
resque and enchanting scene. In this manner we passed 
through Fairfield, New Haven and New London, in Con- 
necticut ; Providence, in Rhode Island, and finally the 
route from Rhode Island to Boston." 

On the frontier of Massachusetts, Lafayette was met by 
the aids of Governor Eustis, and a fresh escort. They ar- 
rived by torch light at the village of Roxbury, the residence 
of Governor Eustis, two miles from Boston. There they 
remained for the night. 

The next morning Lafayette entered Boston, accompa- 
nied by a numerous escort and a large concourse of citi- 
zens who came out to meet him. His reception by the 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 309 

public authorities and the people, was no less cordial and 
imposing than it had been in the city of New York. A se- 
ries of splendid public festivals and private manifestations 
of welcome occupied the six days which Lafayette passed 
in Boston, during which time he paid an interesting visit to 
Bunker Hill, and to the venerable Ex. president Adams, ia 
his quiet residence at Quincy. From thence he passed by 
land through the principal towns and cities of New Hamp- 
shire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut to 
Hartford. Hisj(iurney was throughout a scene of splendid 
triumph. The brief inscriptions on the triumph;»l arches 
under which he passed, spoke truly the feelings of the peo- 
ple : — " Honor to Lafayette ! Honor to him who fought and 
shed his blood for the peace and happiness which we enjoy !" 
" Lafayette, friend and defender ofliberty, welcome to the 
land of your adoption !" " In the days of our adversity, 
thou didst aid us — in the days of our prosperity, we recall 
thy services with gratitude !" 

Returned to New York, Lafayette again underwent, for 
eight days, an almost unceasing round of public honors and 
private hospitalities. On the evening of the 13th of Sept., 
preparatory to his departure on a tour up the North River, 
a splendid festival or ball, took place at Castle Garden. 
In the vast amphitheatre of that military edifice, which is 
about six hundred feet in circumference, nearly six thousand 
persons, comprising the beauty and fashion, the political, 
civil and military array, of that great metropolis, were as- 
sembled. In the middle of the brid2:e which leads from the 
battery to the fort, was a pyramid sixty feet high, illumina- 
ted with variegated lamps, and surmounted by a brilliant 
star, in the centre of which blazed the name of Lafayette. 
Along this bridge, which was covered with rich carpets, and 
lined on each side with rows of green trees and flowers, La- 
fayette was escorted. At the entrance of the castle, he 
passed under a triumphal arch of flowers, surmounted by a 
colossal statue of Washington, resting upon two cannon. 
In the centre of the amphitheatre stood the genius ot Amer- 
ica, bearing a shield, upon which were inscribed the words, 
" To the Nation's Guest." A column, sixty feet high, sup- 
ported an arch composed of the flags of all nations, ingeni- 
ously woven together ; around the sides were disj)osed thir- 
teen smaller columns^ bearing the arms of the original States 



310 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

of the Union ; and the whole interior was most brilliantly 
illuminated. When Lafayette entered upon this brilliant 
scene, a powerful band struck up the air, " See the con- 
quering hero comes ;" and amidst the applauses of the mul- 
titude, he was conducted to a splendid marquee which had 
been prepared for him, among the decorations of which was 
a bust of Hamilton and two pieces of cannon taken at York- 
town. But to the splendors of this reception, a more sim- 
ple and touching incident followed. Scarcely was he seated, 
when a curtain upon the ^allery in front of him was sud- 
denly withdrawn, and exhibited an elegant transparency, 
which represented an exact view of Lagrange, the residence 
of Lafayette, with its gothic towers, ditches and parks, and 
beneatli it the inscription, " This is his home /" This sim- 
ple and delicate device, made a deeper impression upon La- 
fayette than all the pomp and pageantry beside. 

From this brilliant and happy assemblage, Lafayette enm- 
barked with a large party on board the steam-boat Chancel- 
lor Kent, and pursued his voyage up the Hudson. The 
reader may well imagine that it was not one of solitude or 
indifference ; and that Lafayette's reception by the inhabi- 
tants of the flourishing towns and fertile banks of the Hud- 
son, who rushed to the shores and wharves to greet and wel- 
come him, was not less cordial and enthusiastic than that 
which he had experienced on his late tour to the eastward. 

After visiting Albany and Troy, Lafayette returned to 
the city of New York ; enjoying there a few days of repose, 
and left, on the 22d of September, for Washington. At 
Philadelphia, where he first exhibited his devotion to the 
cause of America, had passed so many days during the rev- 
olution, and was endeared by so many recollections to the 
inhabitants, a most biiiliant reception awaited him. 

On his approach to the city, he was received by the civil 
and military officers--, and about 6000 uniform voluuteer mi. 
lilia, drawn up in a hollow square, amidst the thunder of 
cannon. On their march, literally the whole population 
came out to meet Lafayette. At the sides of the streets, 
stages were erected, as high as the eaves of the houses, to 
accommodate the anxious spectators. The various trades 
and workmen, had assembled in uniform bodies, with mini- 
ature workshops and implements of their trades upon cars. 
These were surmounted with appropriate flags and banners, 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. . 311 

containing the portraits of Wasliington and Lafayette, with 
this inscription : " To their wisdom and courage we owe the 
free exercise of our industry." The children of the public 
schools followed in the procession, bearing badges with the 
portrait of the general, and the motto "Welcome Lafayette."' 
The general was seated in a magnificent barouche, drawn 
by six horses ; and near him, in four open cars resembling, 
tents, were forty revolutionary soldiers. The mayor, and 
other municipal authorities, with numerous columns of miU 
itary, completed the brilliant procession. After passing 
through the principal streets, aiju under thirteen triumphal 
arches, and being joined by the members of the legislature 
and the judiciary, the procession repaired to the Hall of 
Independence. In this ancient edifice, where the Declara- 
tion of Independence was adopted and signed, and at the 
door of which, in 1777, Lafayette waited with impatience 
the answer of Congress to his generous offer of his fortune 
and services in the cause of America, Lafayette was now 
impressively addressed by the Mayor of Philadelphia, and 
answered eloquently, with deep and natural emotion. The 
greetings of the people followed, and lasted for several hours, 
A splendid dinner was served up, and " at night, (says Le- 
vasseur) a population of one hundred and twenty thousand 
souls, augmented by forty thousand strangers from various 
parts of the Union, walked about by the light of an illumi- 
nation, celebrating the exploits of the champion of Hberty ; 
and these rejoicings of the people, which in Europe under 
the protection of the police would have been signalized by 
murders, robberies, and accidents of all sorts, here passed 
without the slightest disorder." 

For eight days Lafayette continued to receive the unflag- 
ging hospitalities of the city of brotherly love. A similar re- 
ception awaited him atBaltimore; and at Washington city, he 
was entertained for several days by President Monroe, the cit- 
izens and heads of departments, Congress not being in session. 

Great preparations had been made by the military of 
Virginia, to celebrate the anniversary of the capture of 
Yorktown, in anticipation of Lafayette's presence on the 
occasion. He therefore, on the 17th of October, left Wash- 
ington for the purpose, accompanied by an escort from Vir- 
ginia. Descending the Potomac in asteam-boat, Lafayette 
embraced the opportunity to visit the tomb of his departed 



312 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

friend and commander, Washington. This interesting visit 
is thus related l)y Levasseur : 

" After a voyage of two hours, the guns of fort Washington announ- 
ced that we were approaching the last abode of the fatlier of his 
country. At this solemn signal, to which the military band accom- 
panying us responded by plaintive strains, we went on deck, and the 
venerable soil of Mount Vernon was before us ; at this view an invol- 
untary and spontaneous movement made us kneel. We landed in 
boats, and trod upon the ground so often worn by the feet of Washing- 
ton. A carriage received general Lafayette, and the other visiters si- 
lently ascending tbe precipitous path which conducted to the solitary 
habitation of Mount Vernon. ******* 

" Three nephews of Gen. Washington took Lafayette, his son, and 
myself, to conduct us to the tomb of their uncle ; our numerous com- 
panions remained in the house ; in a few minutes after, the cannon of 
the fort, thundering anew, announced that Lafayette rendered homage 
to the ashes of Washington. Simple and modest as he v/as during 
life, the tomb of the citi"en-hero is scarcely perceived amid the sombre 
cypresses by which it is surrounded : a vault slightly elevated and 
sodded over, a wooden door without inscriptions, some withered and 
some green garlands, indicate to the traveller who visits this spot, the 
jdace where rest in peace the puissant arms which broke the chains 
of his country. As we approached, the door was opened ; Lafayette 
descended alone into the vault, and a few minutes after reappeared, 
with his eyes overflowing with tears. He took his son and me by the 
hand, and led us iiito the tomb, where by a sign he indicated the 
coffin of his paternal friend, along side of which was that of his com- 
panion in life, united to him forever in the grave. We knelt reveren- 
tially near his coffin, which we respectfully saluted v/iih our lips ; ris- 
ing, we threw ourselves into the arms ot Lafayette, and mingled our 
tears with his." 

Received uj)on the plains of Yorktown, by an enthusiastic 
encampment ofhospit.ible Virginians, a triumphal arch erec- 
ted over the site of the redoubt which he carried at the head 
of the American troops at the siege of Yorktown, an elo- 
quent address, and a wreath placed upon his brow by fair 
hands, amidst loud and repeated plaudits, were to Lafayette 
the outward tokens of their grateful remembrance. An ap- 
propriate celebration of the day followed. Lafayette occu- 
pied as his headquarters, the same house in which Corn- 
wallis had his, forty-three years before, during the siege of 
Yorktown. Some servants, in examining the cellar, discov- 
ered an antique chest, which, on opening, they found to con- 
tain candles, blackened by time, and which, by the inscrip- 
tion on the lid, were known to have formed part of Corn- 
wallis' stores during the siege. This discovery being pro- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 313 

-J 

claimed, the candles were in due time lighted and arrayed 
in circles in the centre of the camp, where dancing was one 
of the amusements of the evening. Lsvasseur says that 
the old revolutionary soldiers were so elated by the amus- 
ing idea of a ball in Yorktown in 1824, by the light of Corn- 
wallis' candles, that notwithstanding their great age and the 
fatigues of the day, most of them were unwilling to retire 
until the candles were entirely consumed. 

After receiving the honors and hospitalities of Virginia 
at Richmond, Petersburoj, and other places, and passing 
some days with Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madison, at their 
respective residences, Lafayette left Orange Court-Hoiise, 
where he had been addressed by Governor Barber, in be- 
half of the citizens, on the 20th of November, to return to 
the city of Washington. He had not gone far, when he 
discovered a crowd collected about a triumphal arch, erec- 
ted across the road, where it was intersected by a narrow 
path, then scarcely perceptible for the thickness of foliage. 
Over this path, which excited the attention and interest of 
the assembled multitude, young females were strewing flow- 
ers. It was the road opened or discovered by Lafayette, by 
which on the night of the 15th of June, 1781, he evaded the 
vigilance of Cornwallis, and placed himself in an advanta- 
geous position, between the British army and their object, 
the magazines at Albemarle. (See p. 174.) This new 
proof of the honorable recollection of the Virginians, greatly 
affected Lafayette. The ladies covered Lafayette with 
flowers as he descended from his carriage, and beneath the 
triumphal arch he received the hearty congratulations of 
the people. Arrived at Fredericksburg the same day, theso 
congratulations were repeated, and terminated with a splen^ 
did supper and ball. 

Such was the usual jinale of the entertainments> in mi,o&t 
of the cities and villages which Lafayette visited. The 
" grave and the gay, the lively and severe," were thus 
harmoniously unitedo The younger classes, the female 
population, beauty and vivacity, were thus enabled to wel- 
come the " Nation's Guest," and to manifest their joy at 
beholding among them the hero, whose history to them was 
like a romance of chivalry — the champion, who came from 
a foreign land, to the rescue of their fathers and their mo- 
thers from bondage, and had revisited America, after a long 

27 



814 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

absence, to behold the fruits of his toils and sacrifices. 
To these vivid manifestations Lafayette gracefully submit- 
ted. He was affable in manners, and familiar in conver- 
sation, and felt himself at home in all situations. On these 
occasions, as throughout the declining period of his life, he 
enforced by his example the precept of the Christian philos- 
opher : — Let not the stricken in years forget that they were 
once young." 

The session of Congress commenced on the 6th of De- 
cember. Their first act after organization was one of pub- 
lic congratulation and respect to Lafayette. He was in- 
troduced in form, first to (he Senate and next to the House 
of Representatives. On entering the House, escorted by a 
deputation, the whole assembly rose and stood uncovered in 
silence. When he had reached the centre of the hall, the 
Speaker, Mr. Clay, thus addressed him : 

General — The house of representatives of the United States, im- 
pelled alike by its own feelings, and by those of the whole American 
people, could not have assigned to me a more gratifying duty, than that 
of presenting to you cordial congratulations upon the occasion of your 
recent arrival in the United States, in compliance with the wishes cf 
congress, and to assure you of the very high satisfaction which your 
presence affords on this early theatre of our glory and renown. Al- 
though but few of the members who compose this body shared with you 
in the war of our revolution, all have, from impartial history or from 
faithful tradition, a knowledge of the perils, the sufferings, and the sac- 
rifices which you voluntarily encountered, and the signal services, in 
America and Europe, which you performed for an infant, a distant, and 
an alien people ; and all feel and own the very great extent of the ob- 
ligations under which you have placed our country. But the relations 
in which you have ever stood to the United States, interesting and im- 
portant as they have been, do not constitute the only motive of the re- 
spect and admiration which the house of representatives entertain for 
you. Your consistency of character, your uniform devotion to regula- 
ted liberty, in all the vicissitudes of a long and arduous life, also com- 
mands its admiration. During all the recent convulsions of Europe, 
amidst, as after the dispersion of, every political storm, the people of 
the United States have beheld you, true to your old principles, firm and 
erect, cheering and animating, with your well known voice, the vota- 
ries of liberty, its faithful and fearless champion, ready to shed the last 
drop of that blood which here you so freely and nobly spilt, in the same 
holy cause. 

" The vain wish has been sometimes indulged, that Providence 
would allow the patriot, after death, to return to his country, and to 
cantemplate the intermediate changes which had taken place — to view 
the forests felled, the cities built, the mountains levelled, the canals cut, 
the highways constructed, the progress of the arts, the advancement of 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 315 

learning, and the increase oj population — General, your present visit to 
the United States is a realization of the consoling object of that wish. 
You are in the midst of posterity. Every where, you must have beea 
struck by the great changes, physical and moral, which have occurred 
since you left us. Even this very city, bearing a venerated name, alike 
endeared to you and to us, has since emerged from the iorest which 
then covered its site. In one respect, you behold us unaltered, and this 
in the sentiment of continued devotion to liberty, and of ardent affec- 
tion and profound gratitude to your departed friend, the lather of his 
country, and to you, and to your illustrious associates in the field and 
in the cabinet, for the multiplied blessings which surround us, and for 
the very privilege of addressing you, which I now exercise. This sen- 
timent, now fondly cherished by more than ten millions of people, will 
be transmitted, with unabated vigor, down the tide of time, through the 
countless millions who are destined to inhabit this continent, to the la- 
test posterity." 

Lafayette, though greatly moved, advanced a few steps 
towards the speaker, and after a i'ew moments of hesitation, 
delivered in a clear and audible voice the following reply : 

"Mr. Speaker and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives — 
While the people of the United States, and their honorable representa- 
tives in congress, have deigned to make choice of me, one of the Amer- 
ican veterans, to signify, in his person, their esteem for our joint servi- 
ces, and their attachment to the principles for which we have had the hon- 
or to light and bleed, I am proud and happy to share those extraordi- 
nary favors with ray dear revolutionary companions ; yet, it would be, 
on my part, uncandid and ungrateful, not to acknowledge my personal 
share in those testimonies of kindness, as they excite in my breast emo- 
tions which no words are adequate to express. 

" My obligations to the United States, sir, far exceed any merit I 
might claim ; they date from the time when I have had the happiness 
to be adopted as a young soldier, a favored son of America ; they have 
been continued to me during almost a half century of constant affection 
and confidence; and now, sir, thanks to your most gratifying invita- 
tion, I find myself greeted by a series of welcomes, one hour of which 
would more than compensate for the public exertions and sufferings of 
a whole life. 

'•' The approbation of the American people, and their representatives, 
for my conduct, during the vicissitudes of the European revolution, is 
the highest reward I could receive. Well may I stand firm and erect, 
when, in their names, and by you, Mr. Speaker, I am declared to have, 
in every instance, been faithful to those American principles of liberty, 
equality, and true social order, the devotion to which, as it has been 
from my earliest youth, so it shall continue to be to my latest breath. 

" You have been pleased, Mr. Speaker, to allude to the peculiar fe- 
licity of my situation, when, after so long an absence, I am called to 
witness the immense improvements, the admirable communications, 
the prodigious creations, of which we find an example in this city, 
whose name itself is a venerated palladium ; in a word, all the gran- 



316 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

deur and prosperity of those happy United States, who, at the same 
'time they nobly secure the complete assertion of American independ- 
ence, reflect on every part of the world, the light of a far superior po- 
litical civilization. 

" What better pledge can be given, of a persevering, national love of 
liberty, when these blessings are evidently the result of a virtuous re- 
sistance to oppression, and institutions founded on the rights of man, 
and the republican principles of self-government ? 

" No, Mr. Speaker, posterity has not begun for me, since in the sons 
of my companions and friends, I find the same public feelings ; and per- 
mit me to add, the same feelings in my behalf, which I have had the 
happiness to experience in their fathers. 

" Sir, I have been allowed, forty yeais a'.'O, before a committee of a 
congress of thirteen states, to express the fond wishes of an American 
heart ; on this day, I have the honor and enjoy the delight, to congrat- 
ulate the representatives of the Union, so vastly enlarged on the reali- 
zation of those wishes, even beyond every human expectation and upon 
the almost infinite prospects we can with certainty anticipate ; per- 
mit me, Mr. Speaker and gentlemen of the house of representatives, to 
join to the expressions of those sentiments, a tribute of my lively grati- 
tude, afl'eclionate devotion, and profound respect." 

To these honorable proceedings, a more substantial proof 
of the gratitude of the nation succeeded. The president, in 
his message, had recommended the subject to the consider- 
ation of Congress ; the public sentiment every where ex- 
pressed, enforced upon the representatives of the people the 
recommendation of the president. In compliance therewith, 
a committee of Congress promptly reported a bill, granting 
to Lafayette, in compensation for his important services 
and expenditures during the American revolution, the sum 
of two hundred thousand dollars, and one complete town- 
ship of land, to be located on any of the public lands which 
remain unsold. 

In advocating this bill, Mr. Hayne of South Carolina, 
chairman of the committee of the Senate which reported it, 
stated the fact, that Lafayette, during the six years he had 
been engaged in the service of America, had expended one 
hundred and forty thousand dollars of his fortune. It is 
stated elsewhere, that he diminished his fortune in the ser- 
vice of this country, at least two hundred thousand dollars, 
which is doubtless nearer the truth. In the language of 
Mr. Hayne, " He was in a state of prosperity, and in the 
enjoyment of a plentiful fortune in his own country, when 
he resolved to come to this. He purchased a ship, raised, 
equipped, armed and clothed a regiment at his own expense ; 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 317 

and when he landed on these coasts, he came freighted with 
the munitionsof war, which he distributed gratuitously to our 
army. It is on record that he clothed and put shoes on the 
feet of the naked, suffering soldiers of America, and that dur- 
ing six years he sacrificed one hundred and forty thousand 
[200,000] dollars. He asked for no coriipensation — he made 
out no account — he received no pay — he spent his fortune 
for this country ; and not only gave his services, but haz- 
arded his life in its defence, shed his blood in its service, 
and returned home, broken in his fortune." To this cata- 
logue of Lafayette's sacrifices and services might have been 
added, and the remnants of his estates were confiscated; 
his family persecuted, and he himself confined five years in 
loathsome dungeons, for his devotion to the cause of Amer- 
ica, and to those principles upon v/hich her existence as a 
free nation depends. The bill, therefore, which we have 
recited, and which, with the opposition of a few constitu- 
tionally scrupulous measures, promptly passed both houses 
of Congress, was the acknowledgment and payment of a pe- 
cuniary debt. It was the embodying, but not the exhaus- 
tioii, of tliose grateful feelings which had been enthusiasti- 
cally expressed, and will be enduringly cherished, by the 
whole American people, tow^ards the illustrious defender of 
their country, and the benefactor of the human race. 

Lafayette, while this bill was matured and passed, was at 
Annapoli.-s, unconscious of what was going forward at Wash- 
ington. He had been invited (here by the legislature, to 
receive public congratulations in behalf of the people of Ma- 
ryland. On I'eturning to Washington, he was surprised and 
embarrassed by the munificent act of Congress. Neither 
claiming nor expecting such a remuneration, he hesitated 
about its acceptance. A proffer thus honorably tendered, 
in behalf of a whole people, could not well be declined.-— 
That it was opportune, both in character and season, is not 
to be denied. Possessed of Lagrange, and the mutilated 
fields of Chevaniac, as the sole property of his family, upon 
which he had exhausted his resources in improvements, La- 
fayette, when he came to America, was comparatively poor 
and in debt. Tracing the progress and the causes of his 
pecuniary condition, it was a glorious penury, which could 
not be more appropriately and gloriously relieved than by 
the just munificence of the American people. 

27* 



Si 8 LIFE Of LAFAYETTE. 

The act and fesolutions of Congress, were presented to 
Lafayette by a joint committee, accompanied by an appro- 
priate address. In his reply, Lafayette said : — " The im- 
mense and unexpected gift, which, in addition to former and 
considerable bounties, it has pleased Congress to confer up- 
on me, calls for the warmest acknowledgments of an old 
American soldier, an adopted son of the United States, two 
titles dearer to my heart than all the treasures of the world. 
However proud I am of every sort of obligation received 
from the people of the United States, and their representa- 
tives in Congress, the large extent of this benefaction might 
have created in my mind feelings of hesitation, not incon- 
sistent, I hope, with those of the most grateful reverence. 
But the so very kind resolutions of both houses, delivered 
by you, gentlemen, in terms of equal kindness, preclude all 
other sentiments except those of the lively and profound 
gratitude of which, in respectfully accepting the munificent 
favor, I have the honor to beg you will be the organs." 

Lafayette, having received numerous and pressing invita. 
tions from legislative bodies, cities, villages and individuals, 
left Washington the 23d of Feb., on a tour through the south- 
ern and western states. He passed, nearly by the route he 
had travelled in 1777, through Virginia, North Carolina and 
South Carolina, to Charleston — greeted and welcomed every 
where, with all the warmth of southern patriotism and hos- 
pitality. The inhabitants of Lafayetteville, North Caroli- 
na, received Lafayette with the greatest enthusiasm, as 
the patron saint or father of their beautiful village. Af- 
ter conducting him to the residence of Duncan M'Rae, Esq. 
where splendid quarters had been prepared for him, the 
chairman of the committee exclaimed : — " You are here in 
your own town, your own house, surrounded by your chil- 
dren. Dispose of all — every thing is yours." The founders 
,of this town, situated on the western bank of tlie River 
Cape Fear, were the first to adopt the name of Lafayette, 
in gratitude for his services to their country, although there 
are now more than fifty bearing his name, or portions of it, 
and numbers named Lagrange, in the United States. A 
drawing of it was taken by M. Say, son of the celebrated 
political economist, who passed through it in 1814, and 
presented to Lafayette. From his recollection of this draw- 
ing, he recognized the town on his approach to it in 1825. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 321 

The town of Camden, South Carolina, is consecrated in 
our revolutionary annals, as the field of the unfortunate bat- 
tle in which the brave De Kalb, then second in command 
to Gen. Gates, sacrificed his life in the cause of liberty. 
He fell after performing prodiges of valor at the head of 
the Delaware and Maryland troops, covered by eleven 
wounds. The occasion of Lafayette's arrival was embra- 
ced by the citizens of South Carolina to lay the corner 
stone of a monument about to be erected at Camden, to the 
memory of De Kalb. To none could the solemn office of 
founding the just memorial to disinterested valor, have 
been more appropriately assigned than to Lafayette. — 
Through the influence of their kindred principles, De Kalb 
and Lafayette became acquainted in France. Actuated by 
the same holy ardor, they offered their services at the same 
time to the American Commissioners in Paris. They 
crossed the Atlantic in the same vessel, entered together the 
American army, and contended gallantly for the cause of 
freedom — the one until death, the other until victory. — 
The attendant concourse was large, and the ceremonies ap- 
propriate and imposing. Over the remains of De Kalb, 
which were deposited in the monument with military hon- 
ors, the stone was laid by Lafayeit^, and bore the following 
inscription : — This stone was placed over the remains of Ba- 
ron Be Kalh ly General Lafayette, 1825. After this cere- 
mony, Lafayette, deeply affected, addressed those present, 
and paid to his old companion in arms the tribute due to his 
private virtues, his military talents, and the distinguished 
bravery with which he had sacrificed his life in the cause 
of liberty. 

In the city of Charleston, Lafayette had experienced, on 
his first landing in America, the earliest and warmest greet- 
ings. Its citizens were anxious to manifest that they still 
cherished their respect for him, and that their patriotism 
and hospitality were undiminished. The reception of La- 
fayette in that city, was therefore in every respect as splen- 
did and cordial as it had been in any of the northern cities. 
Among the military escort assigned to him, was an entire 
volunteer company of French citizens, whose uniform was 
precisely similar to (hat worn by the national guards of 
Paris, when commanded by Lafayette, during the French 
revolution. But the circumstance most gratifying to La- 



322 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

fayette, was the presence of his gallant friend Huger, the 
son of the person at whose house he was received on first 
landing in America, and the same who was associated with 
Doct. Bollman, in the generous and hazardous attempt to 
effect the escape of Lafayette from the fortress of Olmutz. 
Col. Huger was placed in the sam.e triumphal car with La- 
fayette, and shared in the honors and hospitalities so pro- 
fu^ely bestowed upon him during his stay in Charleston ; 
and on his leaving the city, the authorities presented to 
Lafayette, a portrait of Col. Huger, in an elegant frame of 
solid gold. 

After a stay of three days, Lafayette left Charleston on 
the 17th of March, by water, for Savannah, in Georgia. 
While in that city, he officiated in laying the foundation 
stones of two monuments, which the citizens of Savannah 
were about to rear, to two of his distinguished revolutionary 
associates. One of these was in honor of General Greene, 
the brave Commander of the Southern Department, and the 
other of Count Pulasld, the gallant Polish patriot, who after 
contending in vain for the liberties of his native land, vol- 
untarily joined the American standard, and nobly fell, rush- 
ing at full speed upon the §oe, at the head of his cavalry, in 
the unfortunate attack of the French and American forces 
upon Savannah, Oct. 9th, 1779. Passing rapidly through 
the State of Georgia, Lafayette received the brief and cor- 
dial hospitalities of its citizens. His route thence was 
through the Indian country, the residence of the Cherokee 
and Creek tribes, who have since been driven by the onward 
march of — shall we selj — civilization? to a broader forest 
home beyond the Mississippi. The journey of Lafayette 
among these primitive sons of America, was deeply interest- 
ing to him and his companions. During a portion of their 
route, the country was then in a transition state, between 
savage and civilized life ; and the white residents appeared, 
many of them, to be greater savages than the Indians whom 
they were supplanting. The name of Lafayette had been 
cherished in tradition amonsj the Indian tribes. Thev ad- 
dressed him as their u'hite father, the agent of the Great 
Spirit, the great warrior from France, who came in former 
days to free them from the tyranny of the English. They 
received him with wild and primitive demonstration of joy 
and welcome, and performed before him their war dances, 



LIFE OF :,AFAYETTE. 323 

sham fights and favorite savage games. The most distin. 
guished among them in these athletic exercises, was youn"- 
Chilli Mcintosh, son of the celebrated chief of that name, 
who had received an education at one of the eastern col. 
leges, and had returned to the dress and habits of savage 
life. Resuming the European dress he accompanied La- 
fayette to the borders of Alabama, He appeared melan- 
choly, and deeply sensible of the degradation and rapid 
diminution of his race. After taking an impressive leave 
of Lafayette and his son, he met, in retiring, M. Levasseur ; 
he stopped, placed the right arm of Levasseur on his, and 
elevating his left hand towards heaven, exclaimed " Fare- 
well ! always accompany our father, and watch over him. 
I will pray to the Great Spirit also to watch over him, and 
give him a speedy and safe return to his children in France. 
His children are our brothers ; he is our father. I hope 
that he will not forget us." 

On the borders of the Indian country, Lafayette was met 
by an escort from Alabama, and at Montgomery, one day's 
journey within the state, by the governor and his staff, and 
a numerous concourse of citizens. Here he embarked on 
board a steam-boat, and descended the Alabama river. 
Stopping at Cahawba, Claiborne, and other towns, to re- 
ceive those public demonstrations which were in waiting 
for him, he reached Mobile on the 7th of April. Remainino- 
but one day to gratify the hospitable inhabitants of that city, 
who had made great preparations to entertain him, he em- 
barked on board the steam-boat Natchez, which had been 
sent by the municipal authorities of New Orleans, to convey 
the Nation's Guest to that city. 

Lafayette was received in New Orleans, with a splendor 
and enthusiasm corresponding with the wealth, hospitality, 
and patriotism of the inhabitants. The French residents 
and descendants of its ancient French population, greeted 
him with characteristic fervor, and he had the satisfaction 
of meeting there with several of his old companions in 
arms, both of the American and French revolutions. The 
resources of entertainment were not exhausted, when La- 
fayette amidst military parade, a large concourse of citizens, 
and cries of Vive Lafayette! re. embarked on board the 
steam-boat Natchez, accompanied by a delegation from 
Louisiana, to ascend the Mississippi. Touching for a short 



324 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

time at Baton-Rouge, the next landing place was at the 
city of Natchez ; where due preparations had been made 
to receive him. After the first public ceremonials, a man 
emerged from the crowd, and approaching Lafayette, waving 
his hat above his head, cried out, *' Honor to the comman- 
der of the Parisian national guard. I was under your or- 
ders in '91, my general, in one of the battalions of the Fil- 
les-Saint-Thomas. I still love liberty as I loved it then. — 
Long live Lafayette !" The general offered him his hand, 
and was deeply impressed by the unexpected incident of 
meeting one of his old soldiers of liberty, so far in the inte- 
rior of America. But similar incidents, occurring every 
where on his journey, and the mixed population of the fer- 
tile and rapidly improving western states and territories, 
served to illustrate the great truth, that America is indeed 
the " home of the free and the asylum of the oppressed." 

Ascending to St. Louis, to fulfil his engagement with the 
people of that city, Lafayette thence returned down the Mis- 
sissippi, to the mouth of the Ohio ; thence up that river to 
the Cumberland, and thence up the Cumberland to Nash- 
ville in Tennessee. A delegation from that state had* met 
him on his way up the Mississippi, and procured from him 
the promise of a visit. 

On landing at Nashville, Lafayette was received in behalf 
of the citizens of Tennessee, by General Andrew Jackson, 
the brave defender of New Orleans. They passed in a car- 
riage to the city, under a triumphal arch, on which these 
words were inscribed, and I'epeated by an immense con- 
course of people: Welcome Lafayette, the friend of the 
United States .'" And a brilliant series of hospitalities and 
public entertainment, proved the sincerity of this welcome, 
on the part of the patriotic State of Tennessee. Forty rev- 
olutionary soldiers, who had come from various parts of the 
state, were among the first to greet Lafayette on his arri- 
val. One among them, of great age, rushed to the arms 
of Lafayette, and exclaimed, "I have enjoyed two happy 
days in my life, that when I landed with you at Charleston 
in 1777, and the present. Now that I have seen you once 
again, I have nothing more to wish for — I have lived long 
enough.'^ This aged man, who had travelled more than one 
hundred miles to meet Lafayette, was a native of Germany, 
by the name of Hagy, who had come over to America in 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 325 

the same vessel with Lafayette, and had been under his or- 
ders during the whole war of the revolution. While on a 
visit to the residence of Gen. Jackson, a pair of pislols 
which had been presented to the general, were shown to La-, 
fayette. He recognized ihem as the same which he had 
presented in 1778 to his friend General Washington, and- 
expressed his satisfaction in finding them in the hands of 
one so worthy to possess them. Lafayette returned down, 
the Cumberland, and again ascended the Ohio river. 

After receiving the warm hospitality of the brave sons of 
Kentucky, at Louisville, Frankfort, Lexington, &c., and 
paying his respects to Mrs. Clay at Ashland, Mr. Clay be- 
ing then absent at Washington, Lafayette proceeded to Cin- 
cinnati, Ohio. He was here received and addressed in be- 
half of the state of Ohio, by General Harrison, lately, and 
for so brief a period, President of the United States. To 
the cordial and patriotic address of General Harrison, La- 
fayette returned a feeling reply. With his reception in 
that beautiful city, young and fresh from the hands of en- 
terprise, and a happy illustration of the benefits and im- 
provements flowing from the influence of our free institu- 
tions, Lafayette was peculiarly gratified. Here, as else- 
where, the ball succeeded the banquet ; and from this scene 
of hilarity, at midnight on the 22d of May, Lafayette em- 
barked for Wheeling, in Virginia. 

From Wheeling, he passed into the State of Pennsylvania, 
through Brownville, Union Town, &c. Visited the field of 
Braddock's defeat, where the military talents and heroism 
of Washington were first elicited ; received the brief and 
appropriate honors of the citizens of Pittsburgh, Franklin, 
Meadville, Waterford, and Erie, and entered upon the ter- 
ritory of the State of New York in the county of Chautauque. 
Anxious to get forward, having engaged to be in Boston on 
the 17th of June, to aid in the celebration of the fiftieth 
anniversary of the battle, and laying the corner-stone of 
the monument, of Bunker Hill, Lafayette passed rapidly 
through the State of New York. The rapidity of his pas- 
sage, however, through the flourishing cities and villages of 
western New York, did not prevent their enterprising in- 
habitants from manifesting, with equal alacrity, their grate- 
ful feelings and hospitable intentions. Deeply impressed 
with these manifestatiouiS, and remarking, with astonish- 

28 



826 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

ment, the evidences of rapid improvement, wealth, and re- 
finement, which every where met his eye, Lafayette pressed 
forward upon his journey, and reached Boston on the 15th 
of June — the very day upon which he had fixed for his ar- 
rival ! Universal astonishment was expressed, at the jour- 
ney he had performed. It appeared almost like magic. 
He had travelled, in less than four months, " a distance of 
upwards of five thousand miles, traversed seas near the 
equator, and lakes near the polar circle ; ascended rapid 
rivers to the verge of civilization in the new world, and re- 
ceived the homage of sixteen republics. And this astonish- 
ment was increased by the fact, that this extraordinary jour- 
ney was performed by a man sixty-seven years of age !" 

Lafayette was thus enabled to redeem what he considered 
a sacred promise, and to perform a sacred duty. On the 
17th, the fiftieth anniversary of the battle of Bunker Hill 
was celebrated by an immense assemblage, nearly 50,000 
in number. The solemn and distinguished office had been 
assigned to Lafayette, of placing the corner stone of the 
Bunker Hill Monument — a proud national memorial, which 
has lingered in its progress, but is now in a fair way of 
speedy completion.* That act was performed with impos- 

* This monument was finished July 23d, 1842. The work having 
been several times suspended from the exhaustion of funds, for its final 
completion the American public is indebted to the patriotic exer- 
tions of the ladies of Boston. Under their directions a public fair was 
held in that city, in September, 1840, to which every female in the 
United States was invited to contribute articles wrought by her own 
hands. The result was, a brilliant exhibition of most ingenious fab- 
ricks and specimens of female genius and industry, from the sales of 
which, and a few private subscriptions induced by this example, the 
sum required to complete the monument (about ^40,000) was realized. 
Thus the entire cost of ^119,000, was defrayed by voluntary subscrip- 
tion. It is an obelisk of great strength, skill, and beauty, entirely of 
hewn granite, from the Quincey quarries. There are ninety courses 
of stone in the whole structure, eighty-four above the ground and six 
below. It it thirty feet square at the base, and sixteen feet four and 
one-half inches at the top ; thus diminishing fourteen feet seven and 
one-half inches above the base. The height from the base to the com- 
mencement of the apex is two hundred and eight feet ; to the top of 
the apex two hundred and twenty-one feet. The interior is circular, 
having a diameter of ten feet seven inches at the base, and six feet 
four inches at the top, and is ascended by two hundred and ninety-four 
steps. The top is an eliptical chamber, seventeen feet high, eleven feet 
in diameter, with four windows, and presents a most magnificent view 
of Boston, the Bay, and surrounding country. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 327 

ing ceremonies, in masonic order. It was indeed a most in- 
teresting sight, to behold the veteran Lafayette, the last sur- 
viving general of the revolution, surrounded by many of his 
venerable companions in arms, founding the long delayed 
and well deserved monument of those brave men who were 
the first sacrifices in that arduous and successful contest for 
liberty. Mr. Webster, in an eloquent address, did justice 
to the occasion ; and paid a feeling tribute to Lafayette 
and the revolutionary veterans who were present. 

In compliance with numerous solicitations from those 
states, Lafayette made a rapid journey through Maine, New 
Hampshire, and Vermont. He entered the State of New 
York at Whitehall, and passed by the way of Saratoga, 
Troy, Albany, &;c., to the city of New York, where he 
joined in the celebration of the 4th of July. After renewed 
public honors, he took leave of that city ; revisited Phila- 
delphia ; and from thence made a brief pilgrimage to the 
fields of battle at Germantown, Barren Hill, and Brandy- 
wine, to the last of which he was escorted by a great num- 
ber of the revolutionary soldiers of Pennsylvania and Vir- 
ginia, who had assembled for that purpose. After visiting 
Chester, Lancaster, and other tovv^ns in Pennsylvania, he 
returned by the way of Baltimore to the city of Washington. 
He became the guest of President Adams, and enjoyed sev- 
eral days of comparative repose, after his arduous and ex- 
citing journey. 

The new frigate Brandywine had been tendered by Pres- 
ident Adams, and accepted, to convey Lafayette to France ; 
and while preparations were making for the voyage, ha 
twice, in company with the president, made short excur- 
sions into the State of Virginia. The principal object of La- 
fayette in these visits, was to take leave of the Ex-Presidents 
Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe. They met him, for the 
last time, at Monticello, the residence of Mr. Jefferson. — 
This parting interview between four aged veterans, all of 
whom were distinguished in the imperishable annals of their 
country, and upon three of whom had rested the supreme 
power of a nation, was solemn and sublime. They bid 
farewell, with a consciousness that they should meet no 
more on earth, and with the consolation, that their long ca- 
reer and their joint labors had been honorable to themselves 
and of enduring benefiL to their fellow beings. 



S28 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

While in Virginia, Lafayette attended public festivals 
given, or rather repeated, in honor of him, in Albemarle, 
Culpepper, and several other places. After his return to 
Washington, President Adams gave a grand dinner to com- 
memorate the birthday of Lafayette^ vviuch closed the bril- 
liant series of festive entertainment, and the last day of La- 
fayette in America. 

We have endeavored to sketch in the foregoing pages of 
this chapter, for the reader's comprehension, the outlines of 
Lafayette's astonishing tour through the American States, 
and to illustrate the true spirit and character ot his recep- 
tion throuo;hout its progress. To have desciibed all the in- 
teresting inciden!s of his tour, the places he viaiied, and the 
various modes which the people adopted to testify their joy 
and gratitude, would have filled a space greater than is de- 
signed for this volume. His whole course was one contin- 
ued scene of triumph — not the triumph of conquest or of 
power — but of an individual unadorned by either, — vene- 
rated for his virtues, and triumphing in the affections 
and confidence, and in the grateful recollections, of a 
nation of freemen. Every where, in the whole progress 
of his journey, his path was literally a path of roses. The 
civic wreath was united with the warrior's ehaplet ; and 
the endearments of social life were mingled with the " pomp 
and circumstance" of military honors. There is no por- 
tion of Lafli3'ette'3 life which afFjrded him more satisfac- 
tion, and none v/hich wiil be regarded by an American with 
a prouder and a deeper interest. 

On the 7th of September, Lafayette took his departure. 
In t!ie principal vestibule of the President's house, surround- 
ed by the cabinet, by various public officers, and a large 
concourse of citizens, President Adams took leave of him, 
in the name of the American people and government. — 
After an eloquent summary of the service? of Lafayette to 
America, and of his late journey and reception, through- 
out the states of the Union, the President concluded as 
follows : — 



" The ship is row prepared for your reception, and equipped for sea. 
From the moment of her departure, the prayers of millions will ascend 
to heaven that her passage naay be prosperous, and your return to the 
bosom of your family as propitious to your happiness, as your visit to 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 329 

this scene of your youthful glory has been to that of the American 
people. 

"Go, then, our beloved friend — return to the land of brilliant genius, 
of generous sentiment, of heroic valor ; to that beautiful France, the 
nursing mother of the twelfth Louis, and the fourth Henry ; to the 
native soil of Bayard and Coligni, of Turenne and Catinat, of Fen- 
elon and D'Aguesseau. In that illustrious catalogue of names which 
she claims as of her children, and with honest pride holds up to the 
admiration of other nations, the name of Lafayette has already for 
centuries been enrolled. And it shall henceforth burnish into brighter 
fame ; for if, in after days, a Frenchman shall be called to indicate the 
character of his nation by that of one individual, during the age in 
which we live, the blood of lofty patriotism shall mantle in his cheek, 
the fire of conscious virtue shall sparkle in his eye, and he shall pro- 
nounce the name of Lafayette, Yet we, too, and our children, in life 
and after death, shall claim you for our own. You are ours by that 
more than patriotic self-devotion with which you flew to the aid of our 
fathers at the crisis of their fate Ours by that long series of years in 
which you have cherished us in your regard. Ours by that unshaken 
sentiment of gratitude for your services which is a precious portion of 
our inheritance. Ours by that tie of love, stronger than death, which 
has linked your name, for the endless ages of time, with the name of 
Washington. 

" At the painful moment of parting from you we take comfort in the 
thought, that wherever you may be, to the last pulsation of your heart, 
our country will ever be present to your affections: and a cheering 
consolation assures us, that we are not called to sorrow most of all, that 
we shall see your face no more. We shall indulge the pleasing antici- 
pation of beholding our friend again. In the meantime, speaking in 
the name of the whole people of the United States, and at a loss only 
for language to give utterance to that feeling of attachment with which 
the heart of the nation beats, as the heart of one man — I bid you a 
reluctant and affectionate farewell." 

Lafayette, with deep emotion, replied as follows : 

" Amidst all my obligations to the general government, and partic- 
ularly to you, sir, its respected chief-magistrate, I have most thankfully 
to acknowledge the opportunity given me, at this solemn and painful 
moment, to present the people of the United States with a parting 
tribute of profound, inexpressible gratitude. 

" To have been, in the infant and critical days of these states, adopted 
by them as a favorite son, to have participated in the toils and perils of 
our unspotted struggle for independence, freedom and equal rights, and 
in the foundation of the American era of a new social order, which 
has already pervaded this, and must for the dignity and happiness of 
mankind, successively pervade every part of the other hemisphere, to 
have received at every stage of the revolution, and during forty years 
after that period, from the people of the United States, and their repre- 
sentatives at home and abroad, continual marks of their confidence 
and kindness, has been the pride, the encouragement, the support of a 
long and eventful life. 



330 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE, 

" But how could I find words to acknowledge that series of welcomes, 
those unbounded and universal displays of public affection, which have 
marked each step, each hour, of a twelve months' progress through the 
twenty-four states, and which, while they overwhelm my heart with 
grateful delight, have most satisfactorily evinced the concurrence of 
the people in the kind testimonies, in the immense favors bestowed on 
me by thj several branches of their representatives, in every part and 
at the central seat of the confederacy 1 

*' Yet gratifications still higher await me ; in the wonders of crea- 
tion and improvement that have met my enchanted eye, in the unpar- 
alleled and self-felt happiness of the people, in their rapid prosperity 
and insured security, public and private, in a practice of good order, 
the appendage of true freedom and a national good sense, the final 
arbiter of all difiiculties, I have had proudly to recognize a result of the 
republican principles for which we have fought, and a glorious demon- 
stration to the most timid and prejudiced minds, of the superiority, over 
degrading aristocracy or despotism, of popular institutions founded on 
the plain rights of man, and where tiie local rights of every section 
are preserved under a constitutional bond of union. The cherishing 
of that union between the states, as it has been the farewell entreaty 
of our great paternal Washington, and will ever have the dying prayer 
of every American patriot, so it has become the sacred pledge of the 
emancipation of the world, an object in which I am happy to observe 
that the American people, while they give the animating example of 
successful free institutions, in return for an evil entailed upon them by 
Europe, and of which a liberal and enlightened sense is every where 
more and more generally felt, show themselves every day more anx- 
iously interested. 

'' And now, sir, how can I do justice to my deep and lively feelings 
for the assurances, most peculiarly valued, of your esteem and friend- 
ship, for your so very kind references to old times, to my beloved asso- 
ciates, to the vicissitudes of my life, for your affecting picture of the 
blessings poured by the several generations of the American people on 
the remaining days of a delighted veteran, for your affectionate re- 
marks on this sad hour of separation, on the country of my birth, full 
I can say of American sympathies, on the hope so necessary to me of 
my seeing again the country that has deigned, near a half century ago, 
to call me hers ! I shall content myself, refraining from superfluous 
repetitions, at once, before you, sir, and this respected circle, to pro- 
claim my cordial confirmation of every one of the sentiments which 
I have had daily opportunities publicly to utter, from the time when 
your venerable predecessor, my old brother in arms and friend, trans- 
.mitted to me the honorable invitation of Congress, to this day, when 
you, my dear sir, whose friendly connexions with me dates from your 
earliest youth, are going to consign me to the protection, across the 
Atlantic, of the heroic national flag, on board the splendid ship, the 
name of which has been not the least flattering and kind among the 
numberless favors conferred upon me. 

" God bless you, sir, and all who surround us. God bless the Ameri- 
can people, each of their states, and the federal government. Accept 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 331 

this patriotic farewell of an overflowing heart ; such will be its last 
throb when it ceases to beat." 

Amidst public demonstration of deep respect, and deeper 
regret, Lafayette entered the steam- boat Mount Vernon, 
acoom:;anied by several officers of the government, descend, 
ed to the mouth of the Potomac, and embarked on board of 
the frigate Brandywine. On the 8th of September, the 
Brandy wine got under way, and Lafayette bid a final adieu 
to the shores of America. 



CHAPTER XXX. 

Lafayette arrives at Havre. Parting with the officers of the Brandy- 
wine. His reception at Lagrange. Carters description of Lagrange, 
of the family, and domestic life of Lafayette. Benevolent acts of 
Lafayette. He mingles again in public affairs. In the Chamber of 
Deputies. His visit to Chevaniac. Popular manifestations. The 
precursors of a new revolution. Revolution of July, 1830. Lafay- 
ett's prominent share in it. Is appointed commander-in-chief of the 
military. Repairs, in popular triumph, to the Hotel de Ville. His 
proclamation to the people and the army. 

After a pa.ssage of twenty-four days, Lafayette once 
more beheld the shores of his native France. A part of his 
family, and many of his intimate friends, were in waiting 
at Havre to welcome his return. To the officers of the 
Brandywine, Lafayette had become doubly endeared by his 
deportment during the voyage. They surrounded him, 
when about to leave the vessel, with every demonstration of 
respect, and grief at parting. The first Lieutenant, Greg- 
ory, who had been commissioned by then-» to express their 
sentiments on the occasion, was unable from his emotions 
to give utterance to his words ; but with a sudden and for- 
tunate impulse, he seized the American flag which floated 
at the stern of the vessel, rapidly detached it, and presented 
it to Lafayette, exclaiming, "We cannot confide it to more 
glorious keeping ! Take it, dear general, may it ever recall 
to you your alliance with the American nation ; may it also 
sometimes recall to your recollection those who will never 
forget the happiness they enjoyed of passing twenty-four 
days with you on board the Brandywine ; and in being 



332 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

displayed twice a year on the tower of your hospitable 
dwelling, may it recall to your neighbors the anniversary 
of two great epochs, whose influence on the whole world is 
incalculable — the birth of Washington, and the declara- 
tion of the independence of our country." 

The general replied. " I accept it with gratitude, and I 
hope that, displayed from the most prominent part of my 
house at Lagrange, it will always testify to all who may 
see it the kindness of the American nation towards its adopt- 
ed and devoted son. And I also hope, that when you, or 
your fellow countrymen visit me, it will tell you that at 
Lagrange you are not on foreign soil." 

For Lagrange Lafayette departed the next day after land- 
ing at Havre. On the way he stopped at Rouen, at the 
house of an old friend and colleague. A crowd of people, 
accomj.anied by a band of music, assembled to manifest 
their respect for him. Lafayette from the balcony had 
commenced returnmg them his acknowledgments, when a 
detachment of royal guards and gens-d'armes, charged upon 
the unarmed citizens, to disperse them, and several were 
severely wounded. The gens-d'armes, with drawn sabres, 
accompanied the carriage of Lafayette to the hotel where 
he was to spend the night. But here a party of young men 
of the place surrounded the door, kept back the minions of 
authority, and secured to the citizens an opportunity of 
paying their respects to their distinguished champion. The 
next morning a numerous escort of these young men accom- 
panied Lafayette along the first stage of his journey. — 
These incidents showed, that he still retained the love of the 
people and the hatred of despotism and its instruments. 

The next day, October 9th, Lafayette arrived at La- 
grange, where the inhabitants of that and the neighboring 
districts had been for three days preparing to welcome his 
return. 

"At a certain distance from the chateau (says Levasseur) the carriage 
made a halt, the general alHghted, and found himself suddenly in the 
midst of a population whose eager transports might have deceived the 
eye of a stranger, and induced him to suppose that the whole were La- 
fayette's children. Till evening the chateau was filled by the crowd, 
which with the greatest difficulty separated from Lafayette. The in- 
habitants retired only after having conducted him by the light of illumi- 
nations and the sound of music, under a triumphal arch, bearing an 
inscription in which they had awarded to him the title of * The people's 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 333 

friend.' There he was again greeted with the expression of the happi- 
ness and joy caused by the return to his good neighbors. During the 
whole of the next day, the general was occupied in receiving the young 
girls, who brought flowers and sang couplets to him ; also the company 
of the National Guard of Court-Palais, and a deputation from the town 
of Rosay. The inhabitants of the commune, while offering a box of 
flowers to their friend, addressed him in a simple and affecting speech, 
through M. Fricotelle, the head of the deputation ; and no sooner had 
the harrangue been pronounced, than the whole rushed into the gener- 
al's arms, and afterwards into those of his son, M. George Lafayette. 
A few days thereafter, the inhabitants of Rosay and the environs, offered 
a brilliant fete to Lafayette, the expense of which was defrayed by a 
general subscription. The preparatives, which occupied several days' 
labor, were the work of a portion of the citizens who refused the assis- 
tance of a single hired laborer. At five o'clock in the evening, the 
apartments of the courts of the chateau of Lagrange were filled by 
upwards of four thousand persons, many of v/liom had travelled several 
leagues to do homage to the man whose name dwelt on every tongue, 
as ' The people's friend.' At seven o'clock, a troop of young girls, 
marching at the head of the population of Rosay, and singing some 
simple and afiecting couplets in chorus, presented a basket of flowers 
to the general ; and M. Vigne, in the name of the canton, delivered a 
speech expressive of the most noble sentiments. Lafayette, after thank- 
ing the inhabitants of the canton for their kind reception of him, ter- 
minated by saying : — ' I am now restored to this retreat of Lagrange, 
which is dear to me for so many reasons, and to those agricultural oc- 
cupations to which you know that I am so much attached, and in 
which I have for many years participated with you, my dear neigh- 
bors, and with most of the friends by whom I am now surrounded. — 
Your affection, which I most cordially return, renders them doubly 
precious to me. I entreat you all to accept my thanks for the hand- 
some and affecting fete which you have prepared for me, and which 
fills my heart with joy, tenderness, and gratitude.' After this answer, 
which was received with the utmost enthusiasm, the general was con- 
ducted in triumph on the meadow, where an elegant tent had been ar- 
ranged for himself and his family. Illuminations tastefully disposed, 
fireworks, animated dances, a number of shops of every description, a 
population of more than six thousand individuals — in a word every 
thing contributed to remind Lafaye'.te of some of the scenes of his 
triumphs in America. Dancing was kept np all night : the cry of 
' Long live the people's friend' re-echoed till daybreak, and the next 
morning Lafayette retired within the bosom of his family, and enjoyed 
the happiness and the tranquility which the recollections of a well- 
spent life can alone confer." 

The beautiful retreat to which Lafayette was thus M'el- 
corned — where he had passed most of his time in rural pur- 
suits for twenty years, and where he hoped to spend (he re- 
mainder of his life, has been described by many writers Avho 
"were so fortunate as to have enjoyed its hospitalities, — 



3.34 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

None of their descriptions, however, are more interesting, 
and none more correct, than that of our amiable country- 
man, Nathaniel H. Carter. Soon after the return of La- 
fayette to France, Professor Carter paid a visit to Lagrange. 
He was then travelling in Europe, principally for the res- 
toration of his health ; but that object was pursued in vain. 
The admirers of his genius, the friends who knew and esti- 
mated his virtues, had soon to deplore his premature death. 
But the fruits of his observations during his European tour, 
and the evidences of his literary attainments and the purity 
of his sentiments and style of writing, are comprised in two 
large volumes, published soon after his return, entitled 
" Letters from Europe," &c. From one of these volumes 
the following account of his visit to Lagrange, and of the 
family and domestic life of Lafayette, is taken : 

"On the morning of the 27th of December, 1825, we took the dili- 
gence for the village of Rose, within about two miles of which La- 
grange is situated, forty miles in an easterly direction from Paris. 

" Midway in the journey, the diligence stopped at a small inn to 
lake breakfast or dinner, call it which you will, as the bill of fare is 
generally much the same, not even excepting soup. On the plate 
from which I took my mutton chop, was a representation of General 
Lafayette on horseback, in the attitude of storming a fortress, with 
the following inscription : 

' II s'elance le premier dans la Redoutte' " 
He throws himself first in the redoubt. 

" We reached the village of Rose at 5 o'clock in the evening ; and 
that no unnecessary claims might be made to the hospitality of Gen. 
Lafayette, or his family subjected to any inconvenience, we dined at 
the hotel, before taking a carriage and setting out for Lagrange. On 
arriving at the chateau, the general gave us a warm reception, and 
presented us to his numerous and interesting family, consisting of a 
son, two daughters, and twelve grandchildren, with a beautiful and 
accomplished daughter of Count Segur, together with two or three 
other inmates, making in all a circle of something more than twenty. 
Simplicity, politeness, and affability of manners, genuine kindness of 
heart, and unaffected hospitality characterize the whole group, from 
the patriarch himself down to the youngest of his descendants. They 
need only the American name, a claim to nativity in the land of 
Washington and Franklin, to call forth all the warmth and generosity 
of their feelings, making the stranger at once at home, and treating 
him with the cordiality of a friend or brother. The only uneasiness 
which the visitant experiences, arises from a fear, that the proverbial 
politeness of the French, accompaniea with all the enthusiasm of feeling, 
will subject the family to inconveniences on his account, and lead them 
to do too much for his happiness. 



w 



UFB OF LAFAYETTB. 83T 

*' The evening glided away delightfully and almost imperceptibly^ 
in the midst of coaversaticn on a variety of topics, chiefly relaling to 
our country ; for the inmates of the chateau taik and seem to think of 
noching else than the United States, where their feelings, their hopes, 
and wishes all centre. The general considers himself emphatically a 
citizen of the American Republic, and familiarly speaks of it precisely 
in the same way, as if he had been there born and educated. 

" Before retiring to our chambers to dream only of Lagrange, we 
examined some of the principal rooms of the chateau, our hospitable 
friends kindly acting as expositors. The furniture is perfectly neat^ 
and even elegant, but bears no marks of extravagance or luxury ; noth- 
ing which is mcompatible with a refined taste, and a republican sim- 
plicity of manners ; nothing which does not conduce more to conveni- 
ence and comfort than to show; and which could be compared, in 
point of richness and splendor, as the general himself remarked, with 
what he had gratuitously been made master of in his tour through the 
United States. The ornaments are nearly all American. In the hall 
at the head of the stair- way, and forming the entrance to the drawing 
room, is a portrait of General Washington, with the colors of the 
frigate Brandywine, (presented b> Commodore Morris on his arrival 
at tiavre,) hung in graceful festoons around the almost idolized pic- 
ture. On tlie right of the father of his country is a fine portrait of 
Franklin, copied by (me of the acc.:)mplished grand-daiighters of Gen- 
eral Latayette. In a c<mspicuous pait of the hall stands an admira- 
ble bust of President Adams, presented by Mrs. Adan^.s, just before the 
General left Washington. To these are added a portrait of Commo- 
dore Morris, (taken by particular request,) and several pictures con- 
nected with the histoiy of our revolution. The rotunda, or drawing 
room contains, besides other decorations, a painting of the siege of 
Yorktown, and a portrait of General Wadsworth, the revolutionarjr 
.friend of Lafayette. 

"At 10 o'clock, which is uniformly the hour for retiring at Lagrange, 
we took leave of the circle for the night, and were shown into our bed- 
chambers, after having been notitied that the ringing of the chnteati 
bell would summon us to breakfast at 10 the next morning. Our 
apartments were in the same style of neatness and comfort as the sit- 
ting-rooms, with a cheerful wood fire blazing upon the hearth, and 
carpets covering the polished <iaken floor. As is usual in French 
houses, furnished with fewer conveniences than this, each chamber 
had a bureau, or scrutoire, containing an ample supply of pen, ink and 
paper, together with other appendages for writing, all under lock and 
key. The temptations of such comforts, the whistling cf the wind 
round the Gothic turrets and aniique windows of the chateau, with the 
delights of a fireside reverie on the events of the day, induced us tg 
protract our waking dreams to a late hour. 

" la the morning a gray-headed servant, who is almost as old as the 
master whom he loves, and from whom he had imbibed his kindness 
of heart, opened the door gently, and performed his ofljce of rekind- 
ling the fire with such studied quiet as would scarcely disturb the slum- 
bers of a sick bed. W^e reached ihe drawing-room in season to see 
\he members of the happy family pppear, one after another, and share 

99 



838 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

iho paternal kiss. Breakfast v^-as served up in a large hall on the 
ground floor, in the usual French style, with wine and coflee after the 
dessert. The table was crowned with abundance, wiihoul superfluity; 
and a circle of suiiling faces that would have rendered u. less surnplu- 
oas repast agreealjle. Among the rarer dishes, was a kind of pie ex- 
tremely rich and delicate, sent as a rarity to the general from Sv>me of 
hia friends at Strasbourg. 

"After breakfast was ov.*r we v/alked out in coTipany with Wash- 
sngton Lafayette and the whole g-oiip ot ladies, to examine the exterior 
of the cliatt au, and thj farm, of which hardly a glance had as yet 
fee^'n obtained. J^agrange was formerly a foiiified baronial castle; 
and notvvith-itandin^ the moditicaiions it has undergone, much of its 
ftnliqiie and fe;idal character still remains. It was once surrounded by 
a deep double moat, stcticms of which, filled with water, have been 
preserved, and the residue filled up, either for the sake of h*: a 1th or 
c.mv.^nieiicj. Tiie edifice consists of a centre, p-rhaps a hundred feet 
ift length, with two wings ol" about the same dimensions and joinings 
it at right angles. From traces still visible, a gallery evidently exten- 
ded across at the other extremiiy of the wing-i, enclosing a quadrangu- 
lar court yard.s'rongly ilefiiided, with only one entrance under a lohy 
arch in the northern wall, guarded by a portcullis. 

"The chateau is three stories hi^h, plainly constructed of a hard 
and dark colored stone, rendered of a deeper hue by its venerable age 
and long exposure to the cliiuate. Two Gothic towers of a conical 
shape rise from the ends of each of the; wings, and form almost thr 
aniy ornament. The approach is by a winding avenue on the north- 
am side, leailiiig through a thick grove of evergreens and other trees, 
and under the arch already mentioned, around which hang festoons of 
Wf, ilanted by the celebrated Charles Fox, in one of his visits to La- 
grange. This beautiful plant is as green as his memory, and mantles 
nearly the whole fagide of tlij chateau. Its luxuriant folihge, shading 
the gray wul.s, the thick c )pse bordering the moat, and the four antique 
turrets, half concealed by the intervening branches, present a view on 
fthis side, seldom equalled in air of rural, quiet and unostentatious re- 
^enient. An artist from our country had taken several very exact 
^letches of Lagrange, [two of which are annexed.] 

" /\.8 tlie morning was bright and pleasant, though the ground yet 
verdant, was covered with a heavy hoar frost, we made a circuit of a 
mile or two over the larm, which is one of the largest as v/ell as the 
Eno3t complete in France. It contains five hundred acres, [800 acres, 
SOO cultivated and 300 in woods and meadows,] lying in one body, in 
a circular torm, wiih the chateau in the centre. Great paina have 
been taken to round it off in this way, by exchanges of contiguous 
territory. It is divided according to the most approved modei&, into 
suitable proportions of tillage, pasture and woodland, with the minor 
compartments of gardens and on-hards. The general has planted 
three thousand apple trees, which are yet small, but thrifty, opening 
in vistas all over h s plantation. He is much engaged, in the cultiva- 
tion of fruit of the besi kinds. 

"The soil of this large tract, though perhnp^ not remarkable for ita 
taataral fejtiliiyj has beea highly improved by culture, and yields wheat. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 341 

with other agricultural products in abundance. It is finely wooded 
and watered. Half a mile from the house, in the direction of Rose, 
there is a large and living founiain, cradled in a green vale, and shel- 
tered from the sun in summer by a gtove of venerable oaks. Its lim- 
pid waters at this season, repose on a bed of autumnal leaves, and arc 
as pure as they are copious. From th s rural a. id secluded retreat, a 
distant view of the chateau on one side, and of two little villages, witU 
a spre to each, and t le smoke curling above them, on the oiher, 
jnakes a qai<'t and charming p.cture. Not far from the founiaiii, 
Washington Lafayette, (whose name perhaps I use somewhat loo fa- 
miliarly for (he sake of distinction,) is much engaged i,i constructing 
an icf' house, upon the plan of some of those he s;i w in our cpuniry. — 
In short nearly all ;he improvements of Lagrange, now in progress, 
are according to American models. 

" On our return from this delightful promenade, and after resting 
for a few minutes, we were merely consigned from the hands of one 
part of the family, to receive the assiduous attentions of another. — 
The general himself accompanied us to the farm-yaid, which in point 
of piactical utility, is more interesting, especially to the eye of an 
American, than all the parks and pleasure-grounds we have seen in 
Europe. A range nf buildings ext.^nds quite round an open area, 
containing perhaps an acre. The first of these is the granery, which 
was once a chapel, and the turret of which is yet left standing. Men 
were at work in winnowing wheat of an excellent quality. The 
second department is appropriated to all kinds of poultry ; among 
which were wilo geese from the b;inks of the Mississippi. A fiock of 
about a thousand merinos, prettily fee ling at their long ranges of cribSj 
©ccupied another port on of the buildings. It was odd enough to sec 
the little lamts !)earing on their backs the same name which had 
graced our triumphal arches ; and to witness the hero himself engaged 
in the construction of stalls anj folds on a new plan recommended in 
8ome of the agricultural journals of the United States, Among tl»e 
twenty-two cows, aie eight from Switzerland, sent to the general by 
his friends in that country ; and four of the Holkham breed, presented 
by Mr. Patterson, of Baltimore. Ti e assortment of horses is as ex- 
tensive a? the other kinds of domestic animals. In making the cirenit, 
we next came to the farm-house kitchen and dairy, the walls of which 
are ornamented with a map t f the whole plantation, designating the 
ground appropriated to each department. Then followed the pens 
containing several rare species of animals, among which are wild tor- 
keys and partridges from the United States, (intended if possible to be 
domesticated ;) ducks which came as a present from the Garden of 
Plants, at Paris; and a pair of beautiful Mexicm pheasants. For 
the latter, and for the American partridge, a new house is going up, to 
be artificially warmed by a stove. To these animals may be added a 
dog from Washington, and a racoon from our forests, who are inmatea 
of the chateau instead of the farm-yard. The latter is so tame as lo 
play about the parlor and climb up into the general's lap. 

" At 5 o'clock the bell called us to dinner, which was bountiful, 
and served up without any peculiar parade. Among the peculiar 
dishes were lentiles, much resembling boiled peas; end a rich kind of 

29* 



343 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

pastry, such as we had not found in the infinite assortment of a Paris 
table. A dessert of apples, pears, and dry fruits, with three or lour 
varieties of wine, including champaigae, crowned the festivities of the 
board. 

" On returning to the drawing-room, a large folio volume, bound with 
red morocco, and richly gilt, was found lying upon the t ble. It was 
presented to the general just before he sailed from Wasldnglon ; and 
contains a transcript of all the addresses to him by the authorities of 
New York. The specimens of ornamental penmanship are certainly 
elegant, and have excil.-d general aamiratiin at the chateau. By its 
side was a volumninous portfolio, containing portraits and autograph* 
of public personages in Fiance since ihe commencement of the revo- 
Jution, both brought out for our amusement. 

" After tea the ladies favored us with a great variety of songs and 
music upon the piano, which they play v/ith much tapte and skill. 
One of the number, finding that her voice and execution could contri- 
bute to the enjoyments of the social circle, and forgetting herself in en- 
deavoring to add to the common stock of pleasure, continued to sit at 
the piano, till she was solicited to leave it, instead of the ordinary re- 
quest to rrmain longer. This mark of politeness was so peculiar, that 
it appeared to me worthy of record and imitation. Among the musi- 
cal pieces was one or two composed in the United States, during the 
general's visit. 

" At 9 o'clock in the evening we manifested an intention to return 
to Rose that night, and set out for Paris next morning, desirous that 
if the hospitality of the family was not already exhausted by a visit, 
which seemed too long for strangers who had no other claim than pim- 
ply that of being Americans, a share of it might be reserved for others, 
upon the republican principle of equality. But at Lagrange, feelings 
of generosity and kindness towards even the humblest citizens of the 
United States know no bounds. Favor after favor descends spontane- 
ously upon the visitant like the dew ; and in view of the paterral af- 
fection manifested on this occasion, our country might address to its 
illustrious benefactor the f rcible apostrophe, " inasmuch as thou hast 
done it unto the least of these my children, thou hast done it unto me." 
Pretexts as plausible as genuine hospitality requires, were urged with 
a politeness that could not be resisted, and the result was a happy pro- 
longation of our visit. 

»* After breakfast on the following moining, the general conducted 
us to his library, which is on the third floor, in one corn -r of the cha- 
teau. The windows, which in summer are shaded by a copse of trees, 
lifting their aged branches from below, look in two directions, and 
command a view of a rural domain, such as Cincinnatus or Washing- 
ton would have enjoyed, and such as its own proprietor would not have 
exchanged for an empire. In the anti-chamber, and the apartment 
itself, are several likenesses of his friends, transatlantic as well as Eu- 
ropean ; and in several neat cases, on which the utmost care has been 
bestowed, are deposited all the little presents he has received from our 
countrymen, from the sacred memorials of his beloved Washington, 
down to the humblest pledges of gratitude and esteem collected in his 
late tour. The whole makes an extensive museum, which is guarded 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 343 

with more vigilence, find is shown by the family with more delight, 
than would apparently be felt in exhibiting the most cosily coll. ction 
of diamonds. All the articles were taken out of their plfces for our 
inspe^ tion ; and the history of them detailed with a tamiliaiity which 
proved how much they are valued. One of the most conspicuous of 
these memorials, is a beautiful model of the water-v/orks at PI iladel- 
phia^^which the general took to pieces, to point out the ingenuity of its 
construction, 

" The library itself contains about two thousand volumes of well se- 
lected books. A large proportion of these were presented by his friends. 
One compartment is filled entirely with American works, containing 
a majority of our best publications. Additions are daily mak ngto the 
collection, by the attentions of his correspondents. The Phi Beta 
Kappa oration of Mr. Everett, and the address of Mr. Webster before 
the Bunkei Hill Association, are cheiished among the choicest treas- 
ures. It was a curious incident, that I should here recognize a copy 
of the Columbiad, which had been bro ight to me at New York a year 
previous, for examination as a specimen of splendid binding, before it 
was presented to Lolayette. 

♦' Having passed an hour or two in the library, and glanced at its 
interesting contents, we took another long walk with the ladies over 
the farm, pursuing a different route from what had been taken on the 
preceding oay, and treading many a bypath in a long circuit through 
the wood-lands. 

" In the niidst of walks, conversations and enjoyments, the hour of 
dinner again came round. By this time, our p'aces at table had been 
as perfectly learned, as if we had become permanent inmates of the 
chateau. Another evening of music and social pleasure was added to 
the sum of our happiness. At 8 or 9 o'clock, an intention was again 
signified to go to Rose, in readiness for the diligence the next morning. 
But " it would be madness to go to the hotel that nighi, where the ac- 
commodations Vv'ere not good ; besides, it was snowing, and the wea- 
ther was unpleasant : a servant should be sent to engage places for us, 
and it would be easy to reach the village by 8 o'clock, the hour for the 
departure of the coach on the following day." In vain were any sug- 
gestions opposed to these kind persuasions: and at 10 o'clock, we re- 
tiied for the third night to the chambers of the chateau. 

" The next morning a( 7, we found both the general and his son in 
the drawing-Dom before us, with coffee upon the table, and his own 
coach at the door, in readiness to take us to Rose. In a few minutes 
more, a cordial grasp of the hand and the parting benedicti. n of the 
patriarch, pr(>duced a state of feelings which, on our own part, admit- 
ted of few words; and we left Lagrange with a full conviction, that 
if there is a paiadise on earth, it must be found in the doraesiic, unso- 
phisticated and innocent delights of such a family : and if unalloyed 
happiness be the portion of any mortal, it must consist in the lux ny 
of such feelings, and the practice of such virtues, as are possessed by 
General Lafa)ette." 

Such was the life that Lafavette led at Lagrarifre ; and 
such was Lagrange, as his industry, enterprise and gener- 



344 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

ous hospitalities, had made it. There the wanderers from 
America found a home, " without bemg permitted to ftel 
that thej' were upon a foreign soil." His own countrymen, 
too, found there a heart to sympathize with them in their 
wrono-s and safferinu:s, and a hand to relieve their distresses. 
Every Monday, there was baked at Lagrange, and distrib- 
uted to the poor of the neighborhood, two hundred pounds 
of bread ; and in limes of scarcity, the weekly distribution 
was increased to six hundred pounds, to which was added 
a mpss of soup, and a sol in money, for each individual. — 
The bread was of the same quality as that used at the gen- 
eral's O'.vn table. He visited himself those poor persona 
who were afflicted with sickness, and had them attended al 
his own expense, by his family physician. In the year 
1817, when a severe famine prevailed, the destitute not only 
in the vicinily of Lagrange, but of the neighboring com- 
munes, were fed at the chateau, to the number of seven 
hundred daily. They received soup, bread and money, 
until the granerips and purse of Lafayette were exhausted, 
A family council was held in the month of June, to consid- 
er the means of continuing this bounty. It was found, that 
at the liberal rate of distribution, six weeks would exhaust 
all the supplies at the chateau. *' Well,"' exclaimed Lafay- 
ette," there is a very simple mode of obviating this difficulty: 
by retiring to Chevaniac, we may leave to the poor what 
we should have consumed by remaining at Lagrange." — 
The whole family at once acquiesced in this proposition, 
and it v/as put in execution ; leaving the whole resources 
of Lagrange to be distributed by the stev/ard, for the relief 
of the wants of the suffering people. 

Lafayette was soon called from the shades of Lagrange, 
to mingle again in the turmoil of public affairs. To him 
the French nation looked, to check the current of returning 
abuses in the government. At the age of seventy years, 
when men usually retire from the active duties of life, or 
are consigned to inactivity by the infirmities of age, or the 
public indifference, Lafayette was vigorously alive to the 
interests of his country, and in the full meridian of his pop- 
ularity. As a member of the Chamber of Deputies in 1828 
and 1829, Lafayette, in various propositions, and many el- 
oquent and able speeches, resisted the encroachments of 
poweFj and advocated those measures of popular reform 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 345 

which he had previously urged in vain. He again brought 
forward a proposition for reorganizing the national guards. 
He tndtavored to modify the criminal code, and uiged the 
al)oliti«;n of capilnl punishmt nt, " which," he said, " the 
fcil.ncy of human judgment renders so 1 rightful, and which 
ought espec ally to excise horror in the present generation, 
amid t whom party fury has inflicted such irreparable 
wounds." He resisted the project of double votes, based 
upon the amount of properly pi;ssessed by the elector, and 
advocated the right of suffrage upon tlie basis of equality, 
irrespective of property qualification. In his speech upon 
the subjt ct, July 6, 1829, he said : 

" We must, it has been said, support persons of large property, (that 
13 to say. support tlie strongest,) because it is alleged ihey are most in- 
terested in good legislation. In the first place, gentlemen, I deny the 
principli . It is in fact, in an inveise ratio to its extent, that property 
isinteresied in good government. Indeed, the land owner with a rev- 
enue of a hundred thousand francs, reduced to fifty thout^and, is less to 
be pitied than one of one thousand francs, who might be re<Iuced to 
five hundred, and still less than the small proprietor, whom bad meas- 
ures of government might reduce to the condition of a serl. I say 
nothing of the property of our persons, though none of us, I presume^ 
are not so humble as not to value it a little above zero. 

" But why is there now any queeiion of property, when it is rrquired 
that the deputies should pay 1000 francs and the electors 300 fanes of 
direct taxation, making their incomes above the average of landed 
property m France? No, gentlemen, it is in favor of privilege that 
privilege has been created." 

Lafayette also warmly advocated a system of public in- 
struction, and gave by his exertion in th.at glorious cause, 
an impulst' which has been since successfully followed up 
by Cousin, G.zot, and other eminent French statesmen and 
phi anthropists. In advocating an appropriation for that 
purpose, he said : 

"National education, gentlemen, and above all, elementary educa- 
tion, that great spring of public intelligence, moral conduct, and pop- 
ular tranquillity, is now the principal want of the F]ench peopk , asit is 
the pr'ncipal debt governrnxent owes to tliem. You know, gentlemen, 
how that debt is acquitted. Systems of public instruction bave Jdtherto 
been patronised in an inverse ratio to their merit. Neiiher } our pitia- 
ble fifty thousand francs, nor even five hundred ihousand Jrancs, will 
suffice to fulfil that great social duly. For the suppoit of a good and 
honeyt system of public education, it appears to me that five njillions 
would be the most prai&e-worthy item in the budget." 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

At the close of the vsessinn of 1829, Lafayette paid a visit 
to Ch^vaniac, tiie plnce of his birth, wh ch he had not vis- 
ited since the voluntary ex le of himself and lamily to it, 
in 1817, that the sutf-ring poor of the neiojhborhood might 
foriige up'in the ie>ources of Lagrange. Diirini? the whole 
pro^rress of his journey, going and returning, he was re- 
ceived with enthusiasm by the pf'ople. 1 1 the many towns 
and provinces through which he p issed, his course was one 
of popular festival and Iriumph, similar to that which he 
had exper enced in his last visit through the United Spates. 
His reception at Lvon>', was mor^e particularly enthusiastic 
and imp ising. The inhabitants flocked in immense crowds 
to meet him on his approach to the city. He was addressed 
in their behalf by a popular orator. In an open caleche^ 
drawn by four superb horses, acco;npanied by a numerous 
procession, he entered the city. 

"An immense maltitude (snys Sarran) which cannot be computed 
at less than sixty thousand persons filled the quays, the streets and 
courts of the city. Scarcely could the procession force its way through 
the close ranks of the populace, while the Sr resounded on all sides 
with cries of Vive Lafayette ! cries that were re-echoed from all the 
windows. The ladies also took part in the public joy : great numbers 
elegantly dressed occupied carriages in the procession, or waved their 
handkerchiefs from the casemen s as the general passed. Similar ac- 
clamations and manifestations of joy accompanied him to the Hotel da 
Noid, where he allighted. There he showed himself in the balcony, 
to gratify the eagerness of the crowd, who immediately and quietly 
dispersed to allow the noble veteran the repose he so much needed." 

For three days these festivities continued. On the third 
dav there was a public dinner, at which M. Condere, a 
colleague of Lafayette in the Chamber of Deputies, gave as 
a toast : — "Oiher warriors have gained battles ; others have 
made eloquent orations ; but none have equalled him in the 
civic virtues." In reply, Lafayette adverted to the signs 
of the times; clearly anticipated the important events 
which were soon to follow, and pledged himself that the 
Chamber would, in the hour of danger, prove true to patri- 
otism and to honor. 

Declining numerous invitations, and avoiding similaF 
scenes of popular triumph which had been preparing for 
him, much to the annoyance of the Court, Lafayette pro. 
ceeded by the nearest route to Lagrange. The patriotic 
impulse which had been excited throughout his journey, 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 347 

however, was the prrciirsors of the revolution of the three 
days of July. Charles X had becotne em ioldened in power* 
The examples of his preflec; ssors, and their fate, were lost 
upon him. [le and his court were resolv d ro accoirjphsh 
effeetually the restorati'^n of the ancient (Icspo ism. Scarce- 
ly had Lafa\ ette arr.ved at Lagrange, when the unwelcome 
intelligence reached him of the overihrc:vv of the popular 
Mariignac ministry, which the liber.il principles and firm 
character of the deputies ot 1828 and 1829 hiid induced 
the king to establish. It was succeeded by what is kn<.'wn 
as the Po'ignac m inirtry, from its very organizition repug- 
nant 10 the people ot France. 'Jhe popular ftelings were 
clearly indicated, t'-rough the medium of ihe press and other 
channels, and by the character of the deputies, soon after 
elected. In the sj)eech of the king on the opening of the 
Chambers, these expressions of the popular will were de- 
nounced as the indications of revolt and sedition ; and ha 
added his bold declaration and threat : — " If culpable man- 
oeuvres (said he) shouM excite against my government ob- 
stacls opposed to my will, but whirh I cannot fo esee, I 
shall find in my re^olutioij the power lo surmount them." 

The Chamber replied with truth and boldness. " The 
intervention of the nation," said they, " renders a perma- 
nent concurrence of the political views of your i-overn- 
ment with the wishes of the people, an indisj^ensable con- 
dition of the orderly progression of public affairs. Sire, 
our loyal y, our d votion, oblige u- to declare to you, that 
such concurrence does not exist. Your maje.-ty's supreme 
wisdom must decide betweeii those v/ho misconstrue so 
calm, so faithful a nation, and iis, who wiih profound con- 
viction approach 3^our tnajesty, to lay before you the griev- 
ances of a whole people." 

This address was signed by Lafayette, and in all by two 
hundred and twenty-o le deputies, a considerable majority 
of those present. It was immediately foUosved by a disso- 
lution of the Chatnbers. and a series of meiisures on the 
part of the kiuii ^^'^ his cabinet, des gned by fraud and 
force to control the elections ; oppressive in their nature, 
and well c Iculated to add to the exasperation of th:; peo- 
ple. Nearly 'he whole of the two hundred and twenty- 
®ne contumacious deputies, however, were re-elected, and 



348 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

a great majority of the electoral colleges returnbd liberal 
delegates. 

E\aS;)erated by this result, the king put forih, on the '26th 
of July, 1830, a series of despotic ordinanc :;s. The first 
of thes ;, in vu)latii;n of the national representation, pro. 
nounced the dissolution of the Chtmber, before it had con- 
vened, and when on ihe puint of convening ; the second 
annulled ihe eh-ctoral laws then existing, reduced the num- 
ber of deputies from four hundred and thirtv to iwo h m« 
dred and fifty-eight, left the arrondissement colleges only 
the right of presenting cand. dates, abobshed the secrecy of 
votes, the intervention of the third estate, and the jurisidic- 
tion of the royal courts in maters of election; the tiiird 
convoked tlie new colleges! for the 6th and 18th of S3ptem- 
ber, and t'ue Ch tmbers forthe 28th of ihe same month ; and 
the f )urth ordinance abrogated the laws which guaraniied 
the liberty of tue press, and restored the provisions of ihut 
of 1814, by virtui:! of whch no periodical journal co;tld be 
published wiihoiit previously being authorised by the gov* 
ernment, and decreed, that the pres^es and type of the jour- 
nals convicted of disobedience, should be seized, or rendered 
unserviceable. 

Lafayette received at Lagrange, on the morning of the 
27th, a copy of the decrees of ihe 26th July. He immedi- 
ately set out, post-haste, and arrived on the evening of the 
same day in Paris. In the mean time^ insurrec'ion-iry 
mavements had commenced, and that vast metropolis was 
in fearfd commotion. On thn promulgation of the decrees, 
the conductors and v.'riters of the liberal journals, with sev. 
eral of their distinguished legal friend.s, held a meeting und 
adopted an energetic protest. This protest was printed, and 
widely disseminated among the people. It produced an 
electrical effect upon the popalatiun : 

"From this moment, (says Sarran,) public opinion underwent a 
change : anger and indigaation succeeded to surprise ; the interests 
most immediately att:'cked imrst into fxplosion ; the operative prmters 
presented themselves under arms with incredible audacity ; the sr'diuta 
of the Polytechnic school threw themselves heroically at the head of 
the insurgent citizens ; those of ihesc'iool of law and medicine followed 
the example, and ihe capital was in revolt. All was then agitation, all 
rushing onwards in insurrection. A magnificent defence vvas arranged 
in a few hours ; the soldieis of despotism presented themselves on the 
field of baitle against the public liberty j the combat was commenced 



LIFE or LAFAYErrE. 849 

amidst cr'es of Vive 'a Chartf. ! Vive la Liberie ! blood flowed ; all 
hope of conciliation was destroyed, and victory must decide hetweea 
liberty and despotism." 

The deputies then in Paris met on the 26th and 27th. 
They hesitated what course to pursue. A majoiily of them 
were of opinion that Charles X had no legal authority to 
dissolve the Chamber, in aniicipalion of its meeting ; and 
that the other decrees were equally tyrannical and illegal. 
Few of them, however, had the moral courao;e to take a 
prompt and decided stand wiih the people, who were arm- 
ing for resistance, and at those meetings, nothing definite 
was determined upon. 

Lafayette announced at once on his arrival, his intentiori 
to espouse the cause of the patriots. The insurrection from^ 
that time assumed an aspect of unity and determination.^ 
The name of Lafayette was a tower of strength, an incen- 
tive to order, and a presage of triumph. There had been 
skirmishing on the evening of the 27th, between the people 
and the royal troops ; and a number of young men, attracted 
to the Luxembourg by the meeting of deputies, were sur- 
rounded and sabred by two detachments of cavalry. Ati 
four o'clock on the morning of the 2Sth, a deputation from 
the students of the Polytechnic School met at the house of 
Lafayette ; from thence they went out to fight at the head 
of the people in every quarter of the capital. Amidst the. 
Found of the tocsin, the thunder of cannon, and the dis-, 
charge of musketry, which announced that the people were 
aroused, the representatives of France once more assembled.? 
Lafayette was first at the meeting. Ho was saluted wdtl\ 
loud acclamations by the surrounding and anxious crowd. 
The contest continued. The royalist troops slaughtered 
alike the armed and the unarmed. Twice had the Hotel de 
Ville been carried by the patriots, and retaken by the roy- 
alist forces. The contest was doubtful. The deputies .stilly 
hesitated. A protest, tame and inefficient, and a commis- 
sion to obtain a truce, were proposed. Lafayette was for 
ordering Marmoiit, the commandant of the royal forces^ ia 
the name of the law, and on his own personal responsibility, 
to cause the firing to cease. He believed that the deputies 
ought at once to espouse the cause and direct the energies 
of the peopie. Indignant at the delays, w^hile blood was so. 
profusely flowing, Lafayette declared to his colleagues hia 

30 



850 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

determination to act in accordance with those views, and, 
witti or without their concurrence, to redeem the pledge he 
had given to the people. Meanwhile the patriots, after a 
desperate struggle, had again carried the Hotel de Ville ; 
the Swiss and other guards had retreated before them, and 
the second day, (July 23,) closed with the promise of victory. 
Courage began to warm the hearts of the deputies. A few 
of them, with Lafayette at their head, resolved to raise the 
tri-colored standard, and at VI o'clock adjourned to meet 
ehe next morning at 5, at the house of M. Lafilte, the banker. 
The night from the 28th to the 29th of Jtdy, was passed 
throughout Paris in busy preparation for the decisive con- 
test that was to follow. From the meeting of the deputies 
Lafayette went forth to inspect the barricades, and the de- 
fensive measures which the people were adopting. He was 
recognized by the patriots, and his presence and approba- 
tion created the greatest enthusiasm. After traversing sev- 
eral streets and encountering many dangers, Lafayette, the 
next morning, reached the house of M. Lafitte, where the 
delegates were to assemble. 

The conflict w-as renewed at day-break. Some of the 
leading patriots, feeling the want of official sanction, which 
they had looked for in vain from the deputies, had given 
out that a provisional government was formed, composed of 
Lafayette, Gerard, and Chasseul, which held its session at 
the Hotel de ViUe. This device operated like mngic. The 
name of Lafayette inspired confidence. Entire companies 
of the national guards reappeared in uniform, under arms. 
Prodigies of valor were performed by the people. The 
palaces of the Louvre and the Tuilleries were carried. 
Several battalions, and two entire regiments of the royalist 
troops, either joined the people or retired from the conflict. 
At this crisis, the deputies, assembled at M. Lafitt's, inspired 
with a portion of the general enthusia.sm, yielded to tho 
solicitations of numerous citizens from the Hotel de Ville, 
for the organization of a provisional government. Lafiiy- 
ette, on the call of the people, and with his consent, was 
appointed to the command of all the military forces. Gen. 
Gerard immediately volunteered to serve under the orders 
of Lafayette, and the direction of active operations was 
confided to him. Civil commissioners were also appointed, 
to take charge of general afTairs. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 354 

Lafayette repaired at once to the Hotel de Ville. He 
was conveyed in triumph by crowds of citizens, and salu- 
ted on the way by men, women, and children, with shouts 
of joy, as their friend and deliverer. Arrived at the Hotel 
de Ville, he caused the tri-colored flag to be raised upon the 
tower of that ancient edifice, again consecrated to liberty, 
and published the following proclamation : 

*' My dear fellow-citizens and brave comrades, 

** The confidence of the people of Paris once more calls me lo the 
command of the popular force. I have accepted with devotion and 
joy the powers that have been confided to me, and, as in 1789, I feel 
myself strong in the approbation of my honorable colleagues, this day 
assembled in Paris. I shall make no professions of my faith, my sen- 
timents are well known. The conduct of the Parisian population, in 
these last days of trial, has made me more than ever proud of being 
their leader. 

" Liberty shall triumph, or we will perish together? 

"' Vive 1 1 Liberte ! Vive la Patrie ! 

" Lafayette." 

Lafayette also addressed the following proclamation to 
the army : 

" Brave Soldiers, 

" The inhabitants of Paris do not hold you responsible for the or- 
ders which have been given you ; come over to us, we will receive yea 
as brothers ; come and range yourselves under the orders of that brave 
general who has shed his blood for the defence of the country under so 
many various circumstnces, General Gerard. The cause of the army 
could not be long separated from the cause of the nation and of liberly. 
Is not its glory our dearest patrimony! Neither can we ever forget 
that the defence of our independence and our liberty is our first duty 
as citizens. Let us then be friends because our interests and our rights 
are in common. Oeneral Lafayette declares in the name of the whoie 
population of Paris, that it cherishes no sentiments either of hatred 
or hostility against the French soldiers : it is ready to fraternize with 
all those who will return to the cause of the country and of liberty ; 
and it ardently invokes the moment when citizens and soldiers, united 
under the same banner, and in the same sentiments may at length re- 
alize the happiness and glorious destinies of our fine country. Vivje 
Ifl Fr^^nce ! 

"General Lafayette/* 



3^2 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 



CHAPTER XXXI. 

Result of tlie " Glorious Three Days." Lafayette in behalf of the 
people and the deputies, declares the throne vacant. I»efuses the 
executive power. Consents to the appointment of the Duke of T^r- 
ieans as Lieutenant General. Meeting of Lafayette and the Lieu- 
tenant General, at the Hotel de Ville, Guarantees in favor of Lib- 
erty. The Duke made King, "vith the title of Louis Philippe. La- 
fayette appointed commander-in-chief of the national guards. Pre- 
sentation of the colors. Trial of the Polignac ministers. Lafayette 
suppresses the popular commotion. Is the victim of envy and in- 
trigue. Resigns his commission. Continues his services as a depu- 
ty. Opposes a retrograde policy. Benevolent acts, during the chol- 
era. Age threatens its infirmities. The duel of Dulong and Bu- 
geaud. Lafayette attends the funeral of Dulong. The cause of his 
illness. Progress of his disease. His death. Funeral honors and 
obsequies. The Tomb of Lafayette. 

The glorious three days were ended. The victory was 
complete. Although the people had fought with despera- 
tion, the utmost order was observed. They walked in tri- 
umph through the palaces of royalty, and not an article 
was despoiled. The prisoners and the wounded were 
treated by them with the greatest humanity. What a con- 
trast to the Reign of Terror ! The loss of the patriots in 
the conflict was stated at 6000 men ; 1000 or 1200 killed, 
the remainder wounded. That of the royalist troops was 
not ascertained ; but from the forbearance shown by the 
people, in the moments of victory, their loss probably was 
not greater. 

The next day, Charles X sent commissioners to the Ho- 
tel de Ville, to make concessions, and announce the recal of 
the offensive ordinances. Lafayette answered, in the name 
of his colleagues, and of the people, that it was " too late," 
that conciliation was impossible, and that the royal family 
had ceased to reign. 

There was a strong feeling at the Hotel de Ville, among 
those who had been foremost in accomplishing the Revolu- 
tion, in favor of a Republic, with Lafayette as its Presi- 
dent. It was in the power of Lafayette to have made him- 




Meeting of the Duke of Orleans (now Ex-King of France) with Lafayette, at j 

the Hotel De Vllle. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 355 

self the head of the new government, whether the form of 
it had been republican or monarchical. He gave to the 
world new proofs of the disinterestedness of his motives 
and character, by positively declining all suggestions of that 
nature. It was the wish of Lafayette, that no government 
of a permanent nature should be established, until the pri- 
mary assemblies could be convoked to express the will of 
the nation. The Chamber of Deputies, however, elected 
the Duke of Orleans head of the provisional government, 
under the title of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom. A 
deputation of the Chamber proceeded to the Hotel de Ville, 
to inform Lafayette of this decision of the deputies. Tlie 
Duke of Orleans had espoused the constitutional cause du- 
ring the former revolution. He had been proscribed by 
the Jacobins ; had taken refuge in Switzerland, and employ- 
ed himself there as teacher ; had thence joined the repub. 
lican army, and served under an assumed name, until com- 
pelled by the jealousy of the terrorists to fly ; when, after 
travelling for a time in the north of Europe, he came to 
the United States and travelled through several states of the 
Union. No reverses, no persuasions, could induce him to 
take arms against his country ; and he remained abroad 
until after the fall of the Jacobins. Lafayette, therefore, 
had confidence in the liberal principles and integrity of 
character of the Duke of Orleans. The deputies, chosen 
under peculiar circumstances, fresh from the people, con- 
stituted the only organs which then existed of the national 
will. He, therefore, deemed it his duty to acquiesce in their 
decision, although not in full conformity with his own views. 
The Duke of Orleans having accepted of the appoint- 
ment, repaired to the Hotel de Ville, to pay his respects to 
Lafayette and the civil commissioners, and to take upon 
himself the duties of his office, in the presence of the people. 
He was accompanied by the deputies, and escorted by some 
citizens and national guards. Lafayette, surrounded by 
the municipal commission, and by the pupils of the Poly- 
technic school, who had immortalized themselves during 
the glorious three days, advanced to meet the prince, and 
they embraced each other with cordiality. Butthe popular 
preference was not yet reconciled. Amidst the cries of 
Vive le Due d^ Orleans j were heard those of Vive la Liberie f 
Vive Lafayette f One of the deputies read the decree of 



356 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

appointment, and addressed the assemblage. The duke 
then spoke, and enumerated the guaranties which were to 
be granted for the liberties of the people. When, the duke 
had concluded, Lafayette cordially grasped his hand, pre- 
sented him the tri-colored flag, and led him to a window, 
where the prince vvaived the flag, and the multitude, greet- 
ing this emblem of liberty with enthusiasm, shouted Vive le 
Due df Orleans ! Vive Lafayette ! 

In a subsequent conversation with Lafayette, the Lieu- 
tenant-General promised all for liberal principles, which La- 
fayette deemed the circumstances to warrant or require. 
*' You know," observed Lafayette, "that I am a republican, 
and that I consider the constitution of the United States as 
the most perfect system that has ever existed." " I think 
so too," rei)lied the duke ; " it is impossible to have lived two 
years in America without being of that opinion; but do you 
think, in the situation in which France stands, and in the 
present state of public opinion, we can venture to adopt it 
here ?" " No," answered Lafayette ; " what the French 
people want at the present juncture, is a popular throne, 
surrounded by republican institutions." " That," rejoined 
the duke, *' is just what I think." 

Being requested by the Lieut. Genei'al to retain his com- 
mand of the national guards of the kingdom, Lafayette 
consented to do so, provisionally ; and announced that con- 
sent, in a general order, as follows : 

" Amidst the powers created by the necessities of our situation, the 
re-erganization of the national guards is a measure of defence and 
public order demanded on all sides. It is the opinion (and I feel that 
it is complimentary to me) of the Prince who executes the high func- 
tions of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, that I ought for the 
present to take command of the national guard. I refused to do so in 
1790, when solicited by three millions of my comrades, because the 
office would have been permanent and might one day have become 
dangerous. Now circumstances are different and 1 believe it to be my 
duty, in order to secure liberty and my country, to accept the office of 
commandant-general of the national guards of France." 

A few days thereafter a new constitutional charter was 
framed and adopted ; and to put an end to the intrigues of 
those who feared a republic, or desired the return of the de- 
posed family, the Duke of Orleans was declared king of 
the French, under the simplified title of Louis Philippe, 
the Citizen King. 




Lafayette receiving and distributing the Standards, presented by the King to the 
National Guards of Paris, August 29thj 1830. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 359 

At the name of Lafayette, the national guarcls rose up 
and ori^anized as by enchantment, throughout the kingdom. 
His whole time was assiduouslv devoted to establishins: this 
favorite national armament, which he conceived to ba the 
guarantee of liberty, upon the most republican basis. Dep- 
utations from the national guards of the departments in- 
cessantly flocked to his quaiters, to render their respects 
and 10 s. licit arms. Through his exeriions, and by the in- 
fluence of his name and example, order and confidence was 
restored throughout France. 

A grand review of the National Guards at Paris, look 
place on the 29t.h of August. Sixty thousand guards, per- 
fectly aimed and equipped, parar^ed in the Champ-de-Mars, 
surrounded by 300,000 spectators, presented a spectach^ as 
imposing us that of tlie federation of 1790. The citizen 
king, surrounded by a hrillirint NtafF, and a numerous suite 
of general officers, appeared for the purpose of preseniing 
standards to this impo>ing host of citizen soldiers. The 
deputations of the battalions advanced to receive the stand- 
ards, and the king addressed them as follows : 

*' My €o»iiAT)ES — It is with the highest gratification that T confide 
to you these standards, and A'ith the nnst lively satisfaction that I place 
them in the hands of one, who, forty years since, was at the head of 
your fathers in this very enclosure. These colors have marked the 
dawn of liberiy among us ; and the sight of them reminds me of my 
early campaigns. May these standards be the symbols of victory 
against the enemies of the state ; may they prove, at home, the safe- 
guards of public order and of liberty ; may these glorious colors, con- 
fided to your patriotism and your loyalty, prove, to the last, our rally- 
ing signal. France for ever !" 

Lafayette received the flags from the hands of the king, 
nnd ptot:ouncing the formula of the oath, presented them to 
the officers who had advanced to receive them in behalf of 
the battalons. " This," exclaimed Louis Philippe, " is 
dearer to me ih^^n a coronat on at Rheims!" And the dis- 
charges of artillery niingh d with the acclamations of the 
nationnl guards and the citizens, and the shouts of Vive le 
roi ! Vive Lafayette ! 

The ministers of Charles X, Polignac and his associates, 
who instigated the orders of July, and caused so much blood 
to flow, were about to be brought lo trial. Popular feeling 
was inveterate against them, and demanded the sentence of 
death. Strung indicaiion^i existed of tuniuh, and an intea* 



36 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 

tion of ihe populace to anticipate the infliction of (hat awful 
punishment which they demanded, upon the culprit minis- 
ters. Lafayette considered the ministers less guilty than 
the dethroned monarch, who had been perinitied to leave 
the kingdom. He was opposed to capital punishment in 
any case, and again advocated, in the Chamber of Deputies, 
its abolition. He was intensely anxious, also to preserve 
the glorious revolution of July, unsullied by any excess, or 
acts of cruelty and injustice. Polignac, it is true had de- 
voted Lafayette to death, as the instigator of the revolution ; 
but Lafayette sought only the noble revenge of presfirving 
the life of his enemy. Apprehending scenes of violence, 
the kit)g, the Chamber, and the municipal authorities, entrus- 
ed to Lafayette, as commandant of the national guards, the 
entire control of the military and police, and the adoption 
of such measures as he deemed neces.sary to preserve the 
public peace. When cautioned by his friends of the dan- 
gers he encountered by undertaking these duties, and that 
his performance of them, and his efforts to protect the fallen 
ministers from violence and death, would destroy his popu- 
larity, he nobly replied, that " popularity, though the most 
precious of treasures, and the only one that is worthy of 
ambition, must nevertheless, like all other treasures, be 
given up by every patriot when he thinks that the public 
good, the justice of the case, and the national interests, de- 
mand the sacrifice." Again : — >" True popularity," he 
said, "is not to be judged of by a complaisance in doing 
what will please the multitude ; but by the success with 
which we persuade the people that they ought not to do 
what is wrong, and the firmness with which, when necessary, 
we prevent them from doing wrong without losing any of 
their affection." 

About the middle of December, 1S30, the trial of the ex- 
ministers commenced. The insurgent populace assembled. 
The people had already attacked the great gate of the pal- 
ace ; frantic shouts were heard within the tribunal of jus- 
tice, and a new insurrection threatened to overthrow, by 
force and bloodshed, the government of the citizen king. 
Lafayette, accompanied only by his aids, went into tho 
midst of the mob. He was received and listened to with 
respect, and quiet was for a time restored. New tumults, 
however, ensued, amidst cries of vengeance upon the ar- 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 801 

reigned njin'sters. But the national guards, through tho 
eff.rtvS of Lafayettp, stood firm ; an*! the laws were tiiuir.- 
phant. T.'ie ex-ministers, injstearl of being condemned to 
dea h, as ihe populace demanded, were senienced to perpet- 
ual iiTjprisonmcnt. Even the n;itior.al guar !s partook of 
the popiilar indignotion at this result. LafMyette ha-tened 
to address them. Their rage v»'as appeased. Polignac and 
his associiies were conveyed in saf ty to the pr son as- 
sign* d ts them, and quit-t was restored. 

A few days after these iinporiant sprvices were rendered, 
(December 24.) the Chamber, through the inst-gation of en- 
vy nnd intrigue, adopti^d a resolution for the total abwlition 
of the post ftf commander-in-chief of Ihe rational guards. 
Thi-, had it become a law, would have been a virrual dis- 
miss il of Lafayette, although at ;he same time the honorary 
command of the national guards was offered to be con- 
ferred upon him, Lafayette, on learning these proceedings, 
immediately tendered to the king his resignation. H'S ma- 
j. sty was, or professed to be, totally ignorant of the courso 
that had been taken, and immediately replied to Lafayette 
as follows: 

" My Dear General: I have this moment receiveJ your letter, and 
am as much grieved as surprised at (he resolution you have taken. I 
have not yet had time to read ihe jimrnals. The council of minister^ 
assembles at one o'clock: after that, I shall be at leisure — that is to 
say, between four and five. I hope to see you there, and to prevail oa 
you to retract yoar determination. 

"Accept, my dear General, &c. Louis PniLirrE." 

The pioposed intervlev/ to^.k place. The king endeav- 
ored to dissuade Lafayette from his purpose. Lafayette 
required certain assuiances, before he would consent to re- 
main in a station v hich implied his sanction to the policy 
of the government, that the principles of ti e revolution of 
July should be carried out. After deliberation, evoiV con- 
cession was offered to Lafayette personally, but little was 
yielded in behalf of the people. Lafayette answered — *'For 
liberty every thing, for myself nothing;" an i persisted in 
his resignation. The king thus announced this determina- 
tion, and his own regret, in a pri;clamation of DeceL:bcr 26 : 

" Prove National Guard-tl my denr fellow covnfri'mcn ! 

" You will share my regret when you learn (hat General Lnfiiyett* 
has considered it his duty to tender his resignation. I flattered my- 
self ihat I should see him longer at your head, animating your zeal by 

31 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

his example, and by the recollection of the great services which he 
has rendered to the cause of liberty. His retirement is the more sen- 
Bibly felt by me, inasmuch as only a few days have elapsed since the 
worthy General took a glorious part in the maintenance of public or- 
der, which you have so nobly and efficaciously protected during the 
late agitations. I have, however, the consolation of thinking, that I 
have neglected nothing to prevent what will be a subject of deep regret 
to the national guard, and cause of real pain to= myself. 

" Louis Philippe." 

The President of the Council, in announcing Lafayette^s 
resignation to the Chamber of Deputies, said : — " The illus- 
trious chief of the national guards, who for a long time has 
intended to renew the course he pursued forty years ago, 
has resigned his functions in spite of our entreaties. It 
has been his wish to imitate, as far as lay in his power, the 
noble example of Washington. He has only done a little 
too soon, that which he designed to do sooner or later." 

The expressions of regret, were indeed universal. On 
the part of the king and court, they may have been hypo- 
critical ; but on the part of the people, they were dbepfelt 
and sincere. The national guards testified their feelings 
by resolving to present to Lafayette a grand monumental 
vase and sword. The vase, which was executed by the 
first artists, was completed about the time of Lafayette's 
death, and presented to George Washington Lafayette, as 
the representative of his father. 

Lafayette continued, after his resignation, to take an ac- 
tive interest in public affairs, as a representative in the 
Chamber of Deputies. He was opposed to the policy of 
the doctrinaries, who favored, or rather did not oppose, the 
views of the holy alliance. He advocated the principle of 
non-interference — that the people of every nation should be 
permitted to choose their form of government — and that 
Fr;ince, in its diplomatic policy, ought to guaranty that 
privilege to the nations of Europe. 

These views, and his rigid notions of a liberal internal 
policy, placed Lafayette in opposition to the cabinet of 
Louis Philippe. They secured to him also the confidence 
of the people, and the respects of all nations who valued, or 
were struggling for, liberty. The Belgians proposed to 
place him at the head of their government, which he re- 
spectfully declined ; and in Germany and Poland, the peo- 
ple were aroused to contend for liberty, by the cries of 
Vive Lafayette. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 363 

In the most important debates of the Chamber, Lafayette 
bore a conspicuous part. He endeavored to secure, in the 
measures both of internal and external policy, all the ben- 
efits promised to France by the re\ olution of July — " a 
popular throne, surrounded by republican institutions." 
Many of the pledges made on that occasion, had been for- 
gotten or violated by Louis Philippe and his advisers ; and 
against the natural tendency to retrograde, Lafayette oppo- 
sed his voice and his influence. He was thus drawn into 
the vortex of politics, and was identified with the liberal 
party. In the session of 1831, he thus explained his posi- 
tion and motives : 

" Gentlemen, it is not usually for tlie purpose of parliamentary op- 
position that T ascend this tribune. 

" However honorable these political struggles, I neither find in m 
Bituation nor my taste, motives for consecrating to them the seventy- 
fifth year of my life. But when I see, or believe I see, political insti- 
tutions diverging from the direction which the revolution of July has 
given to France ; or when I believe that we are made to descend from 
the elevation on which that revolution had seated us, I feel that it is ray 
duty to express myself upon such circumstances, not with a peta- 
lance that I pity, nor with insinuations to which I have only been ac- 
customed to ascribe their just value, but with frankness and sincerity." 

It is unnecessary to our purpose, however, to specify or 
trace the progress of those questions which constituted the 
elements at that period of the local politics of France. — 
They added but few incidents of importance to the life of 
Lafayette, and are not requisite to illustrate his character. 
It is enough to say, that through the brief remnant of his 
days, he continued to advocate those enlarged and liberal 
principles, for which he had previously been distinguished, 
and labored to engraft on the government of his native 
land those free institutions which here constitute the safe- 
guards of the rights and privileges of an American citizen. 
How successfu^:ly he labored is, perhaps yet to be deter- 
mined. The " Citizen King" still reigns in France ;* and 
the experiment from which Lafayette hoped so much would 
be eventually gained by the French people, has not been 
fully tested. 

George Washington Lafayette was also a member of the 
Chamber of Deputies, and in his political course followed 
the example of his illustrious father. 

Lafa} ette now passed most of his time in Paris, where he 

* Dethroned, while this edition is going through the press. 



$6i LITE OF LAFAYETTE. 

bad a housg and domestic establishment. But amidst his 
arduous duties as a deputy, ha found time for social inter, 
course, for hosp tality, and numerons acts of charity and 
benevolence, lie was a member of various literary and 
benevolent associations, and gave his especial patronage to 
those for the promotion of public instruction. In his hos- 
pitable mansion in Paris, the resort of the most distinguished 
political, scipntific, and military men ot the age, as well as 
©f the gay and fash on ible, the citizens of America found, 
as they did at the Chateau cf Lagrange, a most ready and 
cordial welcome. 

When, in 1832, the cholera, that mysterious messenger 
of destruction, riding on the wings of the wind, was spread- 
ing its fearful ravages throughout Europe and America, 
Lafayette hastened to Lagrange — not for personal safety, 
but to render his assistance to those v/ho were menaced or 
attacked by the disease. He took with him a skilful physi- 
cian, a stock of medicine, flannel, linen, blankets, and all 
the requisite supplies, which were freely distributed, and his 
house was open to the inhabitants of Lagrange and the 
neighboring villages. His son and daughters aided him 
in his benevolent exertions. They went together to the 
villages and houses of the sick — were in motion day and 
night, to assist and console the unfortunate patients to 
whom they acted as nurse-tenders, and whom they were 
sometimes obliged to bury, when they fell victims to the 
disease. Their presence and example arrested the panic 
and flight of the peasants, and rescued hundreds from the 
grave. The expenses incurred by Lafayette on that occa- 
sion, were estimated by persons who had the opportunity of 
knowing, at 38,000 francs, or a little more than seven thou- 
sand dollars. 

But age was performing its work of derangements upon 
the constitution of this great and good man, although his 
mental faculties remained in full vigor, and his physical 
powers abated little of their activity. On the 29th of Jan- 
uary, 1834, a duel, which had a political origin, took place 
between two members of the Chamber of Deputies, M. Dulong 
and General Begeaud. It terminated in the death of the 
former. M. Dulong was a young and able member of the 
Uberal party, and a friend of Lafayette and his family. 
Lafayette was deeply affected b} the fate of his youthful 
friend, who had thus fallen a victim to a false code of honor 



LIFE OE LAFAYETTE. 867 

and to infuriated party zftal. He visited M. Dulong in his 
last moments, and joined on foot the procession which fol- 
lowed him to his grave. He supported with difficulty the 
long walk of several hours, and immediately on his return 
was violently attacked with a disease to which he was pre- 
disposed, and which had its seat in the region of the kid- 
neys. To the assiduity of the best medical skill, the 
disease^had partially yielded. Lafayette was enabled to 
take the air occasionally in his carriaije ; and hopes were 
entertained, that if he did not recover completely, he might 
be enabled to live free from pain and inconvenience. On 
the 9th of May, he had ridden out as usual, to the country 
house of his grand-daughter. A sudden thunderstorm 
arose ; Lafayette was exposed in it to a cold northwest 
wind, and became wet with rain. From that time, the 
disease assumed a painful and a fatal character. 

" On the 20tli of May, (says Cloquet, one of the attendant physi- 
cians) about one o'clock in the morning, the gravity of the symptoms 
increased. Respiration, which for the last eight-and-forty hours had 
been much impeded, became still more difficult, and the danger of 
suffocation was more imminent. Drowsiness, delirium, and prostra- 
tion of strength, became more decidedly pronounced, and at twenty 
minutes past four o'clock in the morning, Lafayette expired in our 



arms 



" A few moments before he breathed his last, Lafayette opened his 
eyes, and fixed them with a look of affection on his children, who sur- 
rounded his bed, as if to bless them, and bid them an eternal adieu. 
He pressed my hand convulsively, experienced a slight degree ot con- 
traction in the forehead and eyebrows, and drew in a deep and length- 
ened breath, which was immediately followed by a last sigh. His 
pulse, which had not lost its force, suddenly ceased to beat. A mur- 
muring noise was still heard about the region of the heart. To pro- 
duce reanimation, we employed stimulating frictions, but in vain ; the 
general had ceased to exist. His countenance resumed a calm expres- 
sion — that of peaceful slumber." 

Such, his death bed surrounded by his family and many 
of his most intimate friends, were the last moments of La- 
fayette — the great, the good man — the patriot and the phi- 
lanthropist. 

The funeral obsequies of Lafayette were attended by all 
the distinguished residents in Paris, including the members 
of both legislative chambers, the academies, the civil and 
military administrators, the National Guards in full dress, 
with mourning scarfs on their arms, the American citizens 
then in Paris, &c. The common people who had lost in 



S68 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Lafayette a powerful advocate and protector of their rights, 
and the poor, to whom he had been a friend and benefactor, 
were the most numerous, and not the least sincere, class of 
mourners. Among the pall-bearers, was the American 
Secretary of Legation, who represented America on the 
mournful occasion, in the absense of Mr. Livingston, the 
minister from the United States. When the numerous 
procession was on its way to the place of interment, a hum- 
ble individual pressed eagerly forward, to place himself 
immediately behind the bier. " You see," said one of the 
guards, obstructing his passage, " that none but the family 
are admitted there." " We all belong to the family," said 
the poor man, " for he loved us all as his children." What 
could have been more true and more touching ? The ranks 
were immediately opened, and this humble individual, the 
I'epresentative of the people in all countries, placed himself 
next to the bier and followed it to the cemetery. When 
the coffin, surmounted with tri-colored standards, was de- 
posited in the tomb, earth from America, mingled with that 
of France, was strewn upon it — an appropriate emblem of 
the common services which he rendered, and the lasting 
respect with which his memory will be cherished, in both 
countries. 

The remains of Lafayette are deposited in the same tomb 
with those of Madame Lafayette, in the rue de Pictus, No. 
15, at the extremity of the faubourg Saint Antoine, at Paris. 
It is at the end of a large garden, covered with fruit trees, 
shrubs and plants, and a long alley of lime trees, bordered 
with a hedge of elms, leads to the enclosure. The tomb is 
surrounded with an iron railing, is a little higher than the 
ground, and is composed of two large black marble tablets, 
slightly inclined, and forming a very oblique angle. Upon 
the angle is a small cross, the lateral branches of which 
extend on both sides of the monument, that covers the re- 
mains of both husband and wife. This unostentatious tomb 
which encloses the remains of Lafayette, is continually 
visited by Frenchmen and strangers who knew and appre- 
ciated his worth, and by the pilgrims of liberty from all 
nations. And it will continue to be visited, while virtue is 
respected, and the rights and liberties of mankind find a 
heart to cherish, or an arm to defend them, 




TOMB OF LAFAYETTE. 



#,1 



LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. 371 



CHAPTER XXXir. 

The death of Lafayette creates deep sensaiions in America. Funeral 
honors and obse.quies by the people. His death announced by Pres- 
ident Jackson to Congress. The President's proclamation to the 
Army and Navy. Resolutions of Congress. Oration of the Hon. J. 
Q.Adams. Conclusion. Lafayette's person and habits. Summary 
view of his services and character. 

The news of Lafayette's death soon reached America. 
It was met with one deep and general expression of fjrief 
and veneration. Throughout the popular cities of the Uni- 
ted States, where ten years before the people had rushed with 
eagerness together, to welcome with joy and festivity the 
*' Nation's Guest," they now attended in as great numbers, 
mournfully to join in the solemn obsequies, which attested 
alike the worth and services of the illustrious dead, and the 
grief and gratitude of the living. In the city of New York, 
where, on the 27th of June, the first funeral honors were 
paid to Lafayette, the ceremonies were solemn and impo- 
sing beyond precedent. The urn and eagle used on the 
occasion, were the same sacred emblems which had beea 
exhibited at the funeral solemnities at the death of Wash- 
ington. The urn was conveyed in an open carriage drawn 
by four white horses, guarded by the Lafayette guards, and 
followed by revolutionary pall. bearers, members of the 
Cincinnati Society in open barouches. The procession was 
between two and three miles in length : the streets through 
which it passed were lined with a dense mass of citizens, and 
every house on the line was filled even to the roof with spec- 
tators. The funeral services took place in Castle Garden, 
where, ten years previous, lacking a few days, the brillijint 
fete was given to Lafayette which is noticed in page 309 of 
this volume. The proceedings ended in a solemn manner, 
by the return at night from Castle Garden of the hearse and 
urn, accompanied by the Lafayette guards, with torches 
burning and playing the dead march. 

What the whole American people felt individually on this 
occasion was soon embodied in an official form, by the ex- 
ecutive and representatives of the nation. On the 21st of 
June, President Jackson communicated to both houses of 
Congress, " the afflicting intelligence of the death of the il- 
lustrious Lafayette," which had been received by him that 
morniDg. He also issued the following general orders : 



S72 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

Washington, June 21, 1834. 

"Information having been received of the death of General Lafay- 
ette, the President considers it due to his own ft^elings, as v^eil as to 
the charactei and services ot that lamented man, to announce the 
event to the Army and Navy. 

" Lafiyette WaS a citizen of France, but he was the distinguished 
friend o[ the United States, lu early life he embarked in that contest 
which secured freedom and independence to our country. His servi- 
ces and sacrifices constituted a part of our revolutionaiy hisiory, and 
his meii.ory will be second only to th:it of VVs.shington in the hearts of 
the American people. In his own country, and in ours, he was the 
zealous and uniform Iriend and advocate of rational liberty. Coiisisi," 
ent in his principles and conduct, he never, during a long life, commit- 
ted an act, which exposed him lo just accsmition, or whicli will expose 
his memjory to reproach. Living at a period of great excitement and 
oJ moral and political revolntio is, engaged in many <.f ih^* important 
events which fixed the attention of the world, and invited lo guide the 
destinies of France a( two of the most momentous eras of her hisiory, 
his political iniegrity and pf'rsonul disinterestedness have not been cjjiled 
in question. Hippy in such a li'e, he has been happy in liis death. — 
He has been taken from the theatre of action, wit'i faculties un m- 
paired, with a reputation unquestioned, and an object of veneration 
wherever civilization and the rights of man have e.^;tended ; ano mourn- 
ing as we m:iy and mu;i his departure, let us rejoice ihai this O'-soci- 
ate of Washington has L'one, as we humbly hope, to rejon his illustri- 
ous commander, in the fulness of days and of honor. He came in hi3 
youth to defend our country. He came in the maturity of his age to 
witness her growth in all the elements of prosperity. And while wit- 
nessing these, he received those testimonials of national gratitude, 
which proved how strong was his hold upon the affections of the 
American people. 

" One melancholy duty remains to be performed. The last Major- 
General of the revolutionary army has died. Himself a young and 
humble participator in the struggles of that period, the President feela 
called on, as well by personal as public consideration, to direct that 
approoriate honors be paid to the memory of this dislinjruished Patriol 
and So'dier. He therefore orders that the same honors be tendered on 
this occasion at the different military and naval stations as were ob- 
served upon the decease of Washington, the father of his country, and 
hi3 contemporary in arms. 

" In ordering this homage to be paid to the memory of one so emi- 
nent in the field, so wise in councM, so endeared in privatf life, and so 
well and favorably known to both hemispheres, the President feela 
assured, that he is anticipating the sentiments, not of the Army and 
Navy only, but of the whole American people. 

" Andrew Jackson." 

On the motion of J. Q. Ad^ims, a select joint co iimitteQ 
v/as apjiointed, on wliose report the following reso utions 
were unanimou.-«ly adopted l)y Congress : 

" Hesolved, hy tlie Senate, and House of Represrntativefi of the Uni- 
ted States in Congress assembled. That the two Houses have received 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 373 

with ilie profounJest sensibility, intelligence of the death of General 
Lafayette, the friend of the United States, the friend of Washington, 
and the friend of Liberty. 

" And be it further resolved, That the sacrifices and efforts of this 
illustrious person, in the cause of our country, during the struggle for 
independence, and the affectionate interest which he has at all times 
manifested for the success of her political institutions, claim from the 
government and people of the United States, an expression of condo- 
lence for his loss, veneration for his virtues, and giatitude for his 
services. 

'•'And be it further resolved, thnt the President of the United States 
be requested to address, together with a copy of the above resolutions, 
a letter to George Washington Lafayette, and the other membeis of 
his family ; assuring them of the condolence of this whole nation in 
their irreparable bereavement. 

"And be it further resolved. That th-"'. members of the two Houses 
of Congress will wear a badge of mourning for thirty days, and that 
it be recommended lo the people of the United States to wear a simi- 
lar badge for the same (leriod. 

" And be it farther resolved, That the halls of the Houses be dressed 
in mourning for the residue of the session. 

"And be it, further resolved, That John Quincy Adams be requested 
to deliver an oration on the life and character of General Lafayette, 
before the two Houses of Congress at the next session." 

The oration of Mr. Adams was delivered on the 24th of 
December, in the hall of the House of Representatives at 
Washington, in the presence of both houses of Congress, 
the president and heads of department, the foreign ministers 
at the seat of government, and a large concourse of citizens. 
It comprised a brief epitome of the life of Lafayette, and 
was an eloquent and just tribute to his principles, his char- 
acter and his public services, both in France and America. 
Sixty thousand copies were ordered by Congress to be pub- 
lished ; and to its sentiments and feeling the whole nation 
responded. 

To know something of the personal appearance and hab- 
its of a man who has rendered such important services to 
mankind, and who fills so large a spice in their affectionate 
remembrance, is a natural, and by no means a vain curios- 
ity. In p 'rson Lafixyette was tall, and well proportioned, 
inclininiT rather to corpulency. His head was large ; his 
face ov;il and regular; his forhead high and smooth ; his 
eyes were large and prominent, of grayish blue, with well 
arched, Imt not bushy, eye-brows ; his nose was aquiline ; 
his complexion clear; his cheeks were slightly colored; 
and at the age of seventy-seven, the period of hts deaths 

33 



374 LIFE OF LAFAYETT2. 

liis countenance, ever expressive of goodness and candoi% 
was not furrowed by a single wrinkle. Tiiough social and- 
eheerful, and at times gay ; ihough hospilable and gener-, 
ous in the entertainment of his friends, he indulged spar- 
ingly in the pleasures of the table. His diet was simple, 
and he drank nothing but water. To his sobriety and tem- 
perance may be ascribed his exemption, to so late a period- 
in life from the infirmities of age. The dress of Lafayette 
was ever plain and simple, but he was to the close of his, 
life, particularly neat of his person. He usually wore a 
long gray, or dark colored over-coat, a round hat, panta-. 
loons and gaiters, as he is represented in the portrait in the 
front of this volume, and which is pronounced by those wha 
ki5ew him to be a faithful resemblance. 

In private life, Lafayette was a model of the social and 
domestic virtues, as he was in public of disinterested patri- 
otism and unbending integrity. Lafayette was devoid of 
that ambition which seeks personal aggrandizement; but 
ho gloried in the acts he had performed for the liberty and 
happiness of mankind. He had his share of vanity, and 
exhibited in his speeches and, correspondence, no little ego- 
tism ; but Lafayette had espoused a great and glorious, 
cause, the cause of liberty and justice, of " the rights of 
man" — and from that cause he was, and felt himself, insep-. 
arable. Faults he undoubtedly had — errors of judgment 
he may have committed ; but through a long and active 
career, his course was unsullied by a single vice, by a sin- 
gle act of meanness, cruelty or injustice. He withstood the 
temptations of wealth, the allurements of power, and walked 
unscathed through the fiery furnace of revolution. We 
may search the pages of history, ancient and modern, with-,, 
out finding a character more pure, more perfect, more 
exalted. 

The time may not have arrived when the services which 
Lafayette rendered, and attempted to render, to France, 
can be appreciated by the French people, or by the world, 
lie lived too soon, he died too soon, for the great work vi'hich 
he sought there to accomplish. But it will be consummated 
—and perhaps shortly. The revolution of July, 1830, in 
which Lafayette was the leading and the governing spirit, 
was altogether the most important, in its immediate and 
prospective consequences, of any political change that has 
taken place in FrariQe :, and the infiuei^pes of Lafayette's. 



LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 375 

pjinciples, his councils and liis example.^, are now mingloci 
with the elements, and are spreading silcntU througii tho 
political and social institutions, of the French nation. The 
death of Louis Phiilippe may produce further changes — 
changes which will prostrate the tottering remnants of he- 
rediiary power, and establish upon their ruins the rational 
liberties of the people.* 

But it is different Vvith respect to America. Lafayette 
found here a soil congenial to his principles. The fruits of 
his services are here enjoyed, and may be known and ap- 
preciated by all mankind. It was not as a military cham- 
pion alone, that Lafayette rendered essential aid to th.is 
country. He vvas diligent in every way, and in every ca- 
pacity, wherein his influence, his ample lortune, or his per- 
sonal energies, could benefit our cause. In a diplomatic 
capacity, as in a military, he was equally zealous, industri._ 
ous and influential ; and his example and exertions contrrb.-. 
uted essentially to secure the aid and alliance of France, 
witlioat which, in all human probabillly, the i-ndependence 
of the United States would not have been secured. His 
correspondence, in behalf of America, and relative to its 
affairs, could it be all collected, would fill volumes. Indeed, 
the correspondence in which Lafayette was engaged, occu- 
pies nearly the tenth part of tlifi diplomatic correspondence 
of that period which has been collected and published by 
Mr. Sparks. 

An American writer ten years ago [North American Re- 
view, Oct. 1831] observed, that the connexion of Lafayette 
with its cause, is unquestionably to be esteemed as one of 
the most brilliant incidents in the history of this country. 
" Chivalry does not record a, more beautiful example of he- 
roii^m or principle.; of personal gallantry ; of enthusiasm, 
for worthy objects ; of youthful wisdom and conduct, uni-. 
ted to all the factitious and external advantages, which so 

*This crisis has arrived, no sooner in the order of time than was 
anticipated by the author: B.ut Louis Philippe lived longer. He has 
lived to witness the overthrow-of his despotic power, and to experience 
the reward of his treachery to the French patriots and people. Now, 
while the compositors are engaged upon the last pages of this edition of 
the life of Lafayette, the joyful intelligence of the revolution of Febru-. 
ary 22, 1848, is spread abroad ; and the friends of liberty throughout 
the civilized world are cheered with tlie hope and the confidence, that 
the French nation will this time succeed in establishing permanently a 
reoubUcan form of governmenl. 



376 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. 

seldom adorn real merit ; but are so often accepted cs it-s 
substitute, and so frequent!}^ choke its grovvtli and exercise. 
* * * * 'X'he variety of the avocations which Lafay- 
ette nssumed, the dilligence of his correspondence, and the 
prudence and vigor of his conduct^- when fairly illustrated, 
will exhibit to new advantage the character of this wonder- 
ful man. There have been those who deny him the name 
of great. Let them point out another individual of the age, 
who has borne the test of a career as long and services as 
various; whose conduct has been as uniform, \a hose man- 
ners, as pure, whose sucocss as brilliant, and, we will add, 
whose glory is as bright as his,'' 

The n^'.mcsof the signers of the Declar.ition of Indepen- 
dence, Hie immortalized by the sentence in Vvhich they 
pledge to the cause " their lives, their fortunes, and their sa- 
cred honors." Did not Lafayette do this, and more ?-^ 
Not in obedience to the ties of kindred and the obligations 
of country ! — not impelled by the S5a'npathies which flow 
from a common language, from a community of interests, 
of education, habits and pursuits! To him no selfish mo- 
tive-.— no virtue of necessity can be ascribed ! He was a 
foreigner, honorable by hereditary titles, rich in hereditary 
estates : — His kindred and connexions, his personal interests, 
present and prospective — all the social and political influen- 
ces by which he was surrounded, were hostile and repul- 
sive to the cause which he espoused. These were forsaken 
-rrall were pledged and hazarded, with life itself, iri the 
support of that cause. And it is time that the great truch 
should be known and acknowledged by the American peo- 
ple, that no man risked more — few, if any, did mo-re — io 
establish their liberties and independence, tlian Lafayette. 
Is this position untenable ? Are these eulogiums too v»-arm 
and highly wrought? Gen. Washington, who was by no 
means an enthusiast, declared to G-ordon, (1785.) that " the 
iioblc, conspicuous and disinterested part" which Lafay- 
ette had " acted on the American theatre, deserves all 

THE gratitude WHICH THIS COUNTRY CAN RENDER HIM, AND 
all THE EULOGY THE PEN OF A FAITHFUL HISTORIAN CAN 
I5EST0W." 

THE. END.. 

LRBJL7H 



